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Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (70760)1/9/2005 9:55:58 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Naked hegemon Part II: the center of the doughnut

atimes.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (70760)1/10/2005 3:10:34 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
The man with the plan
______________________________________

How Karl Rove won the election for Bush

By James C. Moore
The Boston Globe
November 7, 2004

"I run all my campaigns as if people were watching television with the sound turned down." --Karl Rove

In Political Science 101 courses all across America, college professors are going back to textbooks and scratching their heads. Even freshmen students saw the signs. Everyone knew what was about to happen on Election Day. Turnout was going to approach record numbers. And that's always bad for incumbents and Republicans.

The president's "right track" figure was 43 percent, and his job approval was below 50. No poll gave him a majority of the popular vote. Undecideds, as they normally do, would break 2-to-1 for the challenger. Millions of newly registered voters were, we all believed, motivated by disenchantment with the president. The nation was also involved in a controversial war. As a case study, a priori evidence pointed toward a potential landslide for John Kerry or at least a comfortable margin. None of this reasoning, though, factored in Karl Rove.

Rove, President Bush's uber-strategist, plays a game no one else knows. In the summer, when it was clear that George W. Bush had animated the left the way Bill Clinton had vivified the right, pundits wondered how Rove might gain the voters in the middle. Rove, though, hardly seemed concerned. As he always has, since the beginning of his remarkable political ascension, the man I call "Bush's Brain" had a plan.

Rove's idea, like all of nature's most elegant designs, was quite simple: Motivate the GOP fundamentalist conservative base to increase turnout, and then make reasonable inroads into traditionally non-Republican voter groups.

Obviously, he needed a mechanism to execute his strategy. These are worrisome times, Rove reasoned, and people are seeking certainty. Regardless of how impossible it might be to deliver such goods, Rove's candidate assured the trembling masses that he was just the man to protect them from the evildoers of Islam.

Being Karl Rove also required that he provide iconography; suddenly, 30-something mothers, holding their infants, began appearing on network newscasts and expressing their beliefs that they trusted George W. Bush to make safe the lives of their babies. The mythological "security mom" was seduced by the Texas warrior king. Bush's share of the female vote went up 4 points over 2000 to 47 percent.

The voters not enthralled by the president's saber, however, were comforted by his faith. Between the spending of the 527 interest groups and the two campaigns, Internet bloggers, newspapers, and bow-tied talk show bloviators, the average voter was suffocating under information. Making a decision was complicated, even among Democrats and Republicans who used their core beliefs to avoid analytical thinking. Rove presented these voters with a president on his knees in prayer. A humble man guided by his god, (who talks openly about being a humble man guided by his god,) became a default choice for a fretful electorate. Nothing motivated the president's conservative base more than this relationship with his god. And faith in Bush's faith helped many voters make their choice. Exit polls indicated 22 percent chose "moral values" as the most critical issue of the campaign. John Kerry was unable to convince the country he ever got closer to God than as an altar boy, while the president constantly implied he was experiencing a form of communication that was beyond the common prayer. Catholic Kerry was unable to earn more than half of the Catholic vote.

Rove, who has long been dedicated to diverting traditional Jewish support from Democrats, helped his client earn a 5 percentage point gain over the president's Jewish vote numbers of 2000. Although a tiny percentage of the US population, Jewish voters have historically donated millions to Democrats. Slowing this flow of cash is a critical part of Rove's grand scheme to construct a Republican dynasty for the next 30 years.

The policy expression of this is the Bush administration's failure to criticize Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon. White House spokesbot Scott McClellan uses the same template for a response every time a reporter asks whether Israel might have overreacted in specific military attacks on Palestinian territories. Regardless of civilian casualties, the Bush White House always answers, "Israel has a right to defend itself."

Of course, all sovereign nations have the same authority. Unfortunately for Americans, who are terrorizing themselves by obsessing on terrorism, Israel's defensive actions are not viewed with such simplicity among Arabs. Radical Islamists in Iraq also believe they have a "right to defend themselves." That is not, however, an overarching concern of Karl Rove's. His president's and his party's political and spiritual destinies are connected to Israel. The Christian fundamentalists who walked the neighborhoods of America for Bush on Election Day believe they, their president, and Israel are simply performing their assigned roles in a production called, "Revelations."

The marketplace of ideas is no different than the marketplace of products. If a product is not properly branded when it is launched, the consumers will brand if for the manufacturer. And few products ever get out from under an image stuck on them by consumers. Consequently, Coke did not become "the real thing" by accident. Senator Kerry the product did not have a reputation as a "flip-flopper," either, until he entered into the presidential "market." Before Kerry had figured out how he wanted to sell himself to the public, or what his messages were, Rove had attacked the foundational strengths of the senator's candidacy. The man who had been tested in combat and whose character was tempered by war was painted as a politician so craven that he embellished his service record to get medals he did not earn. Never mind that the Department of the Navy had sworn affidavits testifying to their commander's courage from men who were at Kerry's side as the bullets were flying.

Under Rove's tutelage, such lying has become an acceptable political tool for Republicans. Unfortunately, Senator Kerry got bad advice and ignored the guns of August aimed at him by Swift Boat deceivers. The wound left Kerry staggering and cost him, at a minimum, the 100,000-plus vote margin in Ohio. The president, however, was packaged, branded, and marketed so effectively by Rove that his image as a spiritual man dedicated to protecting us from evil seemingly overwhelmed the disaster that is the Iraqi conflict and our quickly devolving economy.

Privately, Rove has not yet declared victory. Just as he views Iraq as a solitary battle in the wider war on terrorism, Rove sees the president's reelection as only another step to the fruition of his dream of a one-party America. Trial lawyers, whose financial support has sustained the Democratic Party's whimpering vitality, will come under further attack in Congress. Labor unions, the other source of Democratic strength, also need to gird for Rove's armies of the right. Eventually, he will attain his goal of a Democratic Party too weak to compete and a government turned into a vestigial organ, too monetarily listless to help the poor or regulate business because every scarce tax dollar is servicing a monstrous federal deficit.

In his office in the West Wing, Karl Rove has a signed picture of George W. Bush on his desk. The photo is from their glory days in Texas, and the inscription from the then-governor reads, "To Karl, the man with the plan." All these years later, Rove still has the same plan. And it's working perfectly.
___________________________________________________________

James C. Moore is the co-author of "Bush's Brain: How Karl Rove Made George W. Bush Presidential."

boston.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (70760)1/10/2005 10:49:29 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Message 20936156



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (70760)1/11/2005 9:31:46 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
Covering Elections There, Miscovering Them Here

commondreams.org



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (70760)1/12/2005 2:01:22 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Apocalypse Later ; safehaven.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (70760)1/12/2005 4:52:09 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
Why People Buy: The Psychology Of Sales And Marketing

webpronews.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (70760)1/12/2005 8:59:18 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Something's Gotta Give

democraticunderground.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (70760)1/14/2005 11:23:30 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Dollar on an oily slope

atimes.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (70760)1/14/2005 11:27:26 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 89467
 
NEWS: CIA Report Says Bush Created New Terror Breeding Ground in Iraq

___________________________________

Iraq a new terror breeding ground

War created a haven, CIA advisers report

By Dana Priest
Updated: 10:41 p.m. ET Jan. 13, 2005
msnbc.msn.com

Iraq has replaced Afghanistan as the training ground for the next generation of "professionalized" terrorists, according to a report released yesterday by the National Intelligence Council, the CIA director's think tank.

Iraq provides terrorists with "a training ground, a recruitment ground, the opportunity for enhancing technical skills," said David B. Low, the national intelligence officer for transnational threats. "There is even, under the best scenario, over time, the likelihood that some of the jihadists who are not killed there will, in a sense, go home, wherever home is, and will therefore disperse to various other countries."

Low's comments came during a rare briefing by the council on its new report on long-term global trends. It took a year to produce and includes the analysis of 1,000 U.S. and foreign experts. Within the 119-page report is an evaluation of Iraq's new role as a breeding ground for Islamic terrorists.

President Bush has frequently described the Iraq war as an integral part of U.S. efforts to combat terrorism. But the council's report suggests the conflict has also helped terrorists by creating a haven for them in the chaos of war.

"At the moment," NIC Chairman Robert L. Hutchings said, Iraq "is a magnet for international terrorist activity."

Before the U.S. invasion, the CIA said Saddam Hussein had only circumstantial ties with several al Qaeda members. Osama bin Laden rejected the idea of forming an alliance with Hussein and viewed him as an enemy of the jihadist movement because the Iraqi leader rejected radical Islamic ideals and ran a secular government.

Bush described the war in Iraq as a means to promote democracy in the Middle East. "A free Iraq can be a source of hope for all the Middle East," he said one month before the invasion. "Instead of threatening its neighbors and harboring terrorists, Iraq can be an example of progress and prosperity in a region that needs both."

Unguarded borders
But as instability in Iraq grew after the toppling of Hussein, and resentment toward the United States intensified in the Muslim world, hundreds of foreign terrorists flooded into Iraq across its unguarded borders. They found tons of unprotected weapons caches that, military officials say, they are now using against U.S. troops. Foreign terrorists are believed to make up a large portion of today's suicide bombers, and U.S. intelligence officials say these foreigners are forming tactical, ever-changing alliances with former Baathist fighters and other insurgents.

"The al-Qa'ida membership that was distinguished by having trained in Afghanistan will gradually dissipate, to be replaced in part by the dispersion of the experienced survivors of the conflict in Iraq," the report says.

According to the NIC report, Iraq has joined the list of conflicts -- including the Israeli-Palestinian stalemate, and independence movements in Chechnya, Kashmir, Mindanao in the Philippines, and southern Thailand -- that have deepened solidarity among Muslims and helped spread radical Islamic ideology.

At the same time, the report says that by 2020, al Qaeda "will be superseded" by other Islamic extremist groups that will merge with local separatist movements. Most terrorism experts say this is already well underway. The NIC says this kind of ever-morphing decentralized movement is much more difficult to uncover and defeat.

Terrorists are able to easily communicate, train and recruit through the Internet, and their threat will become "an eclectic array of groups, cells and individuals that do not need a stationary headquarters," the council's report says. "Training materials, targeting guidance, weapons know-how, and fund-raising will become virtual (i.e. online)."

The report, titled "Mapping the Global Future," highlights the effects of globalization and other economic and social trends. But NIC officials said their greatest concern remains the possibility that terrorists may acquire biological weapons and, although less likely, a nuclear device.

The council is tasked with midterm and strategic analysis, and advises the CIA director. "The NIC's goal," one NIC publication states, "is to provide policymakers with the best, unvarnished, and unbiased information -- regardless of whether analytic judgments conform to U.S. policy."

Other than reports and studies, the council produces classified National Intelligence Estimates, which represent the consensus among U.S. intelligence agencies on specific issues.

'May lose its edge'
Yesterday, Hutchings, former assistant dean of the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton University, said the NIC report tried to avoid analyzing the effect of U.S. policy on global trends to avoid being drawn into partisan politics.

Among the report's major findings is that the likelihood of "great power conflict escalating into total war . . . is lower than at any time in the past century." However, "at no time since the formation of the Western alliance system in 1949 have the shape and nature of international alignments been in such a state of flux as they have in the past decade."

The report also says the emergence of China and India as new global economic powerhouses "will be the most challenging of all" Washington's regional relationships. It also says that in the competition with Asia over technological advances, the United States "may lose its edge" in some sectors.
________________________

Staff writer Bradley Graham and researcher Julie Tate contributed to this report.



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (70760)1/14/2005 9:40:22 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
The wizard of commodities
__________________________

by Jonathan Berke
TheDeal.com
Posted 11:40 EST, 14, Jan 2005

Walk into WL Ross & Co.'s midtown Manhattan offices and you'll see a cartoon from a Southern newspaper, depicting 66-year-old Wilbur Ross wearing a black cowboy hat and sitting atop a spool of thread.

The cartoonist skewers Ross for being an iconoclast within textiles, a battered industry that remains stubbornly protectionist against foreign competition. In textiles, at least, protectionism isn't Ross' way. Burlington Industries Inc., the denim maker that Ross controls, maintains operations in Mexico, and his International Textile Group has boosted its presence outside the U.S. In December, ITG forged deals to build plants in China and Canada.

It's not that Ross, a former restructuring adviser at Rothschild before striking out as a value investor, relishes his role as a villain, at least to textile interests. But his unorthodox tactics have elicited a wave of strong reactions. Indeed, Ross' forays in recent years into steel, textile and coal — often left-for-dead industries in the U.S. — have led BusinessWeek to wonder if he's crazy and others to view him as a sort of latter-day Andrew Carnegie.

But what Ross has really become is the wizard of commodity industries, who not only believes he sees a way to salvage what he can of them, but profit wildly from rolling them up. "We think it's time to reinvent the 19th century," says Ross, alternately throwing his hands up or tapping his finger on the conference room table. "That's the general thesis."

Thus far, it's paid off handsomely for WL Ross & Co., his private equity firm. After taking several years to buy five steel companies — LTV Corp., Bethlehem Steel Corp., Acme Metals Inc., Weirton Steel Corp. and Georgetown Steel Co. — out of bankruptcy, Ross bundled them under one banner, International Steel Group. In October, he agreed to sell 90% of ISG for $4.5 billion to LMN Group, reaping a greater than 11-fold profit and giving his new fund an internal rate of return of 100% (his early fund has an IRR of 35%). Now Ross is concentrating on ITG and a rollup vehicle for coal deals, International Coal Group.

The unifying theme among Ross' interests in the three commodity industries is globalization. In recent years, trade barriers have been reduced while demand for steel, textiles and coal have boomed in developing economies. Ross saw an opportunity unique to each, as long as he adhered to a few guidelines. He had to be a below-cost producer. He had to be in the highest value-added end of each industry, where technology could make a difference. And he had to have scale that made sense.

But it's not so much Ross' strategy that makes what he's done magical, but his tactical execution. More than 30 steel companies and a large number of textile companies in recent years have gone bankrupt, buried by union wages, legacy pension and healthcare costs and high expenses. The coal industry may lack union woes, but it faces crushing environmental cleanup bills and heavy regulatory scrutiny. Yet Ross has been able to negotiate with unions, cut deals and trim overheads.

For instance, he has masterfully worked the bankruptcy courts. Ross bought many assets on the cheap and via sales under Section 363 of the bankruptcy code, enabling him to offload many liabilities.

He's also had considerable luck. The acquisition of LTV was the genesis of ISG, but only after President George W. Bush instituted an 18-month tariff on foreign imports. This allowed Ross to restart LTV's blast furnaces and mills without further erosion to its business. Had Bush not imposed the tariff, Ross concedes, he would "have simply shut down the operation and liquidated the assets."

Ross had been buying Burlington debt at rock-bottom prices after the company filed for bankruptcy on Nov. 16, 2001, when Warren Buffett, who had made a stalking-horse bid for the company, asked for a $14 million termination fee. It was a big break for Ross, who led a group that convinced the bankruptcy judge in the case that the fee was too high. Buffett's bid was scotched, and in swept Ross during an auction to buy Burlington for $614 million on Aug. 1, 2003.

"Luck plays a role in everything," Ross says. "The more homework you do, the luckier you get."

For years, Ross did his homework and others benefitted. After getting a degree in literature from Yale University and an M.B.A. from Harvard Business School, he landed at investment bank Rothschild, and over the next 24 years executed workouts for the likes of Eastern Airlines, Orion Pictures, Drexel Burnham Lambert and Texaco Inc. There were times in the late 1980s when Ross was so sought after for his restructuring prowess that he would have cases running simultaneously in bankruptcy courts in different parts of the U.S., angering judges when he couldn't be present in their courtrooms.

In 1999, he started WL Ross and began investing the $450 million in private equity funds he had raised in distressed companies in Japan and South Korea, a strategy he had pursued at the Rothschild Recovery Fund in 1997 in the midst of the Asia crisis. In 1999, he was already articulating a strategy that sounds strikingly similar to his current views on steel, textile and coal. "I think of us as a phoenix fund, not a vulture fund, because we're trying to resuscitate things," he said.

Having his own firm enabled Ross to make the key decisions instead of just recommending them. "Being a principal means that you have to be able to pull the trigger and live with the consequences, but at least you can make it happen," he says. "As an adviser, you have to convince others to accept your recommendation but have no way to make sure they are implemented or how effectively."

In LTV, Ross saw his first opportunity for value investing back in the U.S. Roughly 14% of this country's steel production was idled in 2001, according to The Nation magazine. And U.S. steel companies, whose costs made them uncompetitive against foreign producers, were stumbling over each other in bankruptcy court.

Ross hired steel guru Peter Marcus and his consulting firm, World Steel Dynamics, to learn more about the industry, then made his move. He also went to Pittsburgh, where he sat down with Leo Gerard, the head of the United Steel Workers of America, at an Italian restaurant on a hilltop overlooking United States Steel Corp. They talked about hammering out a new contract between the union and LTV.

"Core principles discussed that night formed the basis for all future discussions that the USWA had with the International Steel Group and opened a very constructive relationship," USWA's Gerard says. "[Ross] came to a very quick conclusion that workers had a lot to offer and had strong knowledge on how to make steel."

Even though LTV was once the nation's third-largest steelmaker, it was an easy mark. Already known for one of the longest bankruptcy stays in U.S. history, it made a second Chapter 11 filing on Dec. 29, 2000, shutting down its mills. Many left LTV for dead. Ross, however, got a new union contract, let the quasi-governmental Pension Benefits Guaranty Corp. assume LTV's legacy costs, and offered $125 million in cash and the assumption of $200 million in debt.

Skeptics abounded. "We were concerned about [Ross's] ability to change their culture," says Paul Vastola, an analyst with Standard & Poor's.

But Bush's March 2002 decision to impose a tariff got Ross off and running. Now known as International Steel Group, Ross' steel operation rehired LTV's old staff and got the mills operating again within four months, not the 12 or so industry experts had predicted. "It was more accidental than it was planned," says Bill Peluchiwski, the head of the basic industrials group for Los Angeles investment bank Houlihan Lokey Howard & Zukin.

Even though the tariff would give U.S. steelmakers temporary pricing protection against foreign rivals, Ross knew he had to trim costs. So where there were once 130 shift foremen in one part of LTV's Cleveland operation, there are likely to be just 30 now for the entire facility, Gerard says.

Ross, meanwhile, marched on. Bankrupt Bethlehem Steel was generating $4 billion of revenue, or about $1.5 billion more than ISG. It was also carrying $6 billion of legacy costs. Ross requested a 60-day exclusive period to forge a deal.

S&P analyst Leo Larkin was floored. "I don't understand why Wilbur Ross or anyone would be interested in buying them until they do liquidate," he said at the time.

Still, Ross soldiered on and the company clearly had confidence in the deal going through. Even though two other bidders surfaced for BethSteel, neither were qualified to make an offer. With Rodney Mott, a veteran metals executive he recruited to ISG, Ross negotiated with the USWA and other unions directly and cut a deal. "Having come in with an acceptable arrangement with the union, it was difficult for other bidders to come in and try and challenge that," recalls BethSteel debtor counsel George Davis of Weil Gotshal & Manges LLP.

Why were the unions so attracted to Ross, especially since the new contracts reduced healthcare benefits? Namely because his inclusion of performance incentives allowed workers to profit off the success of the mill. He also didn't just slash rank and file. At BethSteel, Ross pruned costs by also reducing management from seven levels to three.

Before long, the revamped labor contracts gave ISG a cost advantage of about $100 a ton over other unionized steelmakers.

"The union understood that radical changes were needed," says Ross, noting that other companies had rebuffed the USWA when it had approached them about widespread change.

But Ross also knew when to offer the unions a carrot. For example, even though the PBGC picked up much of the legacy costs of the companies that ISG had acquired, Ross still stepped in with a fully funded $50 million voluntary employee benefit plan, or VEBA, to help pay for retiree healthcare costs. Under it, active workers could contribute to the plan. It was a first for the steel industry (as part of the deal with LNM Group, a percentage of the company's Ebitda will be used to continue funding the VEBA).

In addition, Ross was determined to improve relations with his existing work force by getting management to deal with worker issues on the mill floor and appearing at a steelworkers convention held in 2003 in Miami. "There were no legal obligations, but we certainly had a big moral obligation," Ross says.

Three more deals followed for ISG: $65 million for Acme on Aug. 13, 2002; for Weirton last Feb. 18; and the $18 million pickup of Georgetown on May 4. (For the last two, ISG had already been a public company, following a Dec. 12, 2003, initial public offering.)

Concurrent with the acquisitions, steel prices rose thanks mainly to China's mushrooming demand. Prices for hot-rolled coil steel increased to $640 per metric ton in April from $259 per metric ton at the beginning of 2001, while cold-rolled coil steel rose to $709 from $370 per metric ton during the same time.

Ross says he had hoped to use ISG as a global rollup vehicle, but London-based billionaire Lakshmi N. Mittal beat him to the punch. His LNM Group bought up state-owned steel mills being privatized from Romania to Kazakhstan. LNM also acquired assets from Algeria to South Africa. "So we concluded that it made more sense to become a minority participant in their activity, rather than become a majority participant in our own," Ross says. (Ross will serve on Mittal's board.)

Ross' experience in textiles has been rougher than steel, particularly over labor relations. After visiting Judge Randall Newsome of the U.S. Bankruptcy Court for the District of Delaware in Wilmington denied Buffett's request for a termination fee on his bid for Greensboro, N.C.-based Burlington, and then, ultimately, the Oracle of Omaha's acquisition offer, the company started a precipitous slide. "The company's operations had declined substantially from the time Judge [Newsome] terminated the Buffett bid to the time the company was ultimately sold," says a source familiar with the company's operations.

Even so, Burlington's management demanded that a new buyer assume the company's underfunded pension costs. Other bidders also emerged. In the end, Ross boosted his original bid by $140 million and won.

With Burlington under the International Textile Group umbrella, Ross went back to bankruptcy court in March and bought Cone Mills for $87.2 million, despite the PBGC's insistence that he pick up the $58 million tab on the company's underfunded pension liabilities. (The matter is still in court.) Having Burlington and Cone Mills has enabled Ross to consolidate denim operations, as well as dying and finishing processes.

More shocking to Ross was how the U.S. textile industry was spurning its customers and ignoring foreign demand. "The industry had these strange attitudes that it should tell its customers what's good for them," Ross says. Textile makers tended to just export to those nations covered by the North American Free Trade Agreement and to Latin America. Besides expanding its own non-U.S. operations, ITG is investing $30 million in research and development to modernize a stale product line and improve customer relations.

Such spending on R&D is "probably more than the rest of the industry," Ross quips. He hopes the nanotechnology ITG is developing will help solve problems such as perspiration stains and wrinkles in dress shirts, as well as create flame-retardant products for children's clothing. Garments have appeared in The Gap, Marks & Spencer and other retail outlets using such technology.

Expect Ross to shake up textiles even more. One industry source says he's keeping an eye on the Caribbean Basin Initiative that Congress could pass this year. Why? Because the legislation would allow Ross to invest in plants in lower-cost markets in Central America. "Higher labor contracts," he says, "will be moved offshore."

As with ISG, Ross envisions taking ITG public one day. But the U.S. has lifted quotas on foreign textile imports, so he wants to first see how things shake out. Currently, he says he's not scouting bankruptcy courts or elsewhere for add-on acquisitions for ITG.

That's not the case with International Coal Group, already the world's fourth-largest producer with between $800 million and $900 million in revenues. Ross views ICG as a rollup vehicle he can use to buy underfunded coal companies in the Appalachian mountains that lack the capital to maintain mines.

"Certain areas in the [Appalachians] are in terrible trouble," one coal investor says. "There is a significant rift between mines and regulators."

The dynamics for coal, another old-line industry, differ from steel and textiles. It costs about 50% less to produce electricity from coal than from natural gas. But coal is a hazardous business, especially when it comes to the environment. So the regulatory climate is intense.

For example, companies have so-called reclamation obligations. That is, a coal company must obtain a permit to open up a mine. It must then clean up the site, or reclaim it, once activity has ceased. Such reclamation costs are burdensome.

Still, coal offers a value player such as Ross a great opportunity. Underneath all the environmental issues are lots of hard assets, namely a key natural resource whose supply is dwindling.

Again, while his initial foray into the sector wasn't serendipitous, Ross ultimately was in the right place at the right time.

Ross originally tried to help Morgantown, W.Va.-based Anker Coal Group Inc. by attempting to convert 30% of his $126.7 million in Anker debt into a 100% stake in the company in January 2001. But Anker filed for bankruptcy the following October after it could not restructure the deal with its creditors.

Because he retained 70% of his Anker debt, Ross was eventually able to convert it into a controlling stake in a reorganized Anker.

Then came Ashland, Ky.-based Horizon Natural Resources Inc., which also ended up in Chapter 11. Ross wanted to acquire Horizon's nonunion assets, but the deal couldn't go through until the bankruptcy estate figured out how to shed $800 million worth of pension and healthcare benefits, including payments made to retirees covered by the Coal Industry Retiree Health Benefit Act of 1992.

The retirees immediately sought a stay on the sale with Judge Henry R. Wilhoit Jr. of the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Kentucky in Lexington. Wilhoit sided with the retirees, but lifted the stay 48 hours later on Sept. 30. Ross went to work, lining up agencies from fertile coal mining states such as Kentucky and West Virginia and the Office of Surface Mines in the U.S. Department of the Interior to agree on a unified memorandum of understanding as to how the company would handle reclamation concerns. It worked. In October 2004, ICG bought Horizon for $786 million and added it to its growing stable.

Today, black-lung litigation worries don't hinder ICG — those liabilities, thanks to Section 363, stayed with the Anker and Horizon bankruptcy estates. Meanwhile, it's virtually debt-free and sitting on top of a billion tons of coal reserves.

Still, that's not what stirs Ross these days. He has carefully steered ICG toward low-sulphur coal, and for good reason: The most hazardous part of coal is the sulphur, so the less of it there is, the more valuable it is. Low sulphur coal sells for $55 to $60 a ton, while the high content variety goes for $12 to $15. Most of Anker and Horizon's coal reserves are low sulphur. "Our coal is a good coal that is used to blend with higher sulfur coal to bring it within federal standards," Ross says. "This coal trades at a real premium."

Even personally, Ross is on a roll these days. In October, he married Hilary Geary, a society writer for Quest magazine. It was his third trip to the altar. (He has two children, Amanda and Jessica, from his first marriage to Judith Ross. His second marriage to former New York Lt. Gov. Betsy McCaughey also ended in divorce.)

Can anything ruin Ross' run? Well, Ross has looked at another hidebound American industry, though one not from the 19th century: airlines. But it doesn't inspire him much, even though many of the same fundamentals — unionized labor costs, steep legacy liabilities — that existed with steel are also present with airlines. Plus, many of the companies have landed in bankruptcy court, where Ross does some of his best work. Is it time to move?

"We've known the industry for quite some time," he says. "We just haven't found the magic formula yet, and it's frustrating because we keep looking."

These days Ross can pick his spots. After all, it's good to be the wizard.



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (70760)1/15/2005 2:05:14 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Everyday Yoga

mydailyyoga.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (70760)1/17/2005 3:50:30 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Bond Bubble - American-style

futures.fxstreet.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (70760)1/18/2005 5:52:46 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Greenspan, markets on a collision course

fxstreet.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (70760)1/20/2005 1:15:42 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Fed Reserve: Inflation to spur rate hike

taipeitimes.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (70760)1/23/2005 9:06:24 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
Deficits May Be Wearing Thin at the Fed
______________________

By EDMUND L. ANDREWS
ECONOMIC VIEW
THE NEW YORK TIMES
January 23, 2005
nytimes.com

WASHINGTON - THEY are only low-level rumblings, oblique signals of discontent that are stripped of any direct political threat.

But as President Bush embarked on his second term last week, it was hard to escape the sense that his longtime honeymoon with the Federal Reserve may be ending.

The Fed and its chairman, Alan Greenspan, have arguably been Mr. Bush's most important economic supporters. Mr. Greenspan gave his blessing to the Bush tax cuts of 2001 and, less enthusiastically, to those of 2003.

Despite Mr. Greenspan's reputation as a staunch opponent of fiscal deficits, he tiptoed around criticism of the soaring federal debt that Mr. Bush ran up in his first term and will almost certainly continue to run up in his second.

Perhaps most important, the Greenspan Fed cut interest rates and showered the nation with cheap money to soften the recession of 2001 and to keep consumers spending through nearly three years of rising unemployment.

But something new is afoot, and it is not just that the Fed is raising rates back to more normal levels. So far, a measured pace of rate increases has merely reflected the Fed's increased confidence that economic growth is on a steady course.

The new element is a rising concern at the Fed about the nation's imbalances: the federal deficit, which hit $413 billion in 2004; a low and declining national savings rate; evidence of speculative behavior among investors and consumers; and the country's enormous trade and financial deficit with the rest of the world.

In November, Mr. Greenspan noted that foreign claims on United States assets - essentially the nation's net indebtedness to the rest of the world - were now equal to one-quarter of the nation's gross domestic product. The trade deficit this year is almost certain to exceed $600 billion - nearly 6 percent of the nation's economy, and still climbing.

"This situation suggests that international investors will eventually adjust their accumulation of dollar assets or, alternatively, seek higher dollar returns to offset concentration risk," Mr. Greenspan said. That, he continued, would make the cost of foreign debt "increasingly less tenable."

To most economists, such comments are simply a statement of time-honored truth: a borrower who runs up huge debts will become a bigger risk to lenders and gradually have to pay higher rates. But Mr. Greenspan's comments also carried a warning: rising budget and trade deficits come at the price of higher interest rates.

The Fed fired off another warning in the published minutes from its policy meeting on Dec. 14, saying, "a number of participants voiced concerns about domestic and global financial imbalances." Some members of the Federal Open Market Committee, which sets policy, were said to believe that the odds of "significant deficit reduction over the next few years were remote."

More surprising, the minutes said that some policy makers worried that the prolonged strategy of low rates might be fostering "excessive risk-taking" in financial markets and in the market for houses and condominiums. That sounded like a veiled reference to concern about a "housing bubble," an idea that Mr. Greenspan has repeatedly shot down.

A third veiled warning came on Jan. 13 from Timothy F. Geithner, president of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York. In a speech to financial executives about risk management, Mr. Geithner suggested that investors had become too complacent about risks posed by global imbalances - particularly those in the United States.

Declaring that the current account deficit had reached an "unprecedented scale," even as investors continue to demand very low risk premiums, Mr. Geithner warned that they had little buffer for unexpected shocks.

"The present fiscal trajectory entails an uncomfortable scale of borrowing and little insurance against possible adverse outcomes in an uncertain world," he said.

In private sessions, Mr. Greenspan may well be warning Mr. Bush in blunter terms. The Fed chairman meets regularly with Vice President Dick Cheney and periodically with Mr. Bush.

There is a rumor in Washington - thus far unconfirmed - that Mr. Greenspan warned the White House in mid-December that it would have to take more credible steps than it has so far to meet its goal of cutting the deficit in half by 2009.

If true, the unspoken but inescapable threat would be clear: if the Fed wasn't satisfied, Mr. Greenspan could signal his lack of confidence in Mr. Bush's fiscal plan. Investors would be shaken and Mr. Bush's credibility would be damaged.

What is certain is that the White House has started to signal tough cuts - trimming as much as $30 billion over six years at the Pentagon - and Mr. Bush has adjusted his rhetoric about the deficit.

Where administration officials routinely called the deficits "unwelcome but manageable," Mr. Bush and other top officials now describe deficit reduction as the cornerstone of their strategy for shoring up the foreign exchange value of the dollar.

Complicating the chemistry between the White House and the Fed this year is Mr. Greenspan's anticipated retirement in January 2006.

White House officials are trying to expand their list of potential successors. One early favorite - John B. Taylor, under secretary of the Treasury - is no longer in contention, according to people close to the White House.

White House officials are also cool about Martin Feldstein, the esteemed Harvard professor and director of the National Bureau of Economic Research. Mr. Feldstein has been a passionate supporter of tax cuts and partly privatizing Social Security - Mr. Bush's top economic priorities. But some officials are still angry that Mr. Feldstein, chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers under President Ronald Reagan, criticized deficits run up by his boss.

MR. FELDSTEIN is not out of the running, but White House officials are looking at others. One would be R. Glenn Hubbard, an architect of Mr. Bush's tax cuts and now dean of the Columbia Business School.

A third possibility is Ben Bernanke, a Fed governor and a respected economist. While at the Fed, Mr. Bernanke, not a Bush insider, has impressed White House officials and is likely to be named chairman of Mr. Bush's Council of Economic Advisers. Though Mr. Bernanke would be a long shot to become Fed chairman, a successful tour at the White House could help his chances.

No matter who succeeds Mr. Greenspan, Mr. Bush will have to tread warily at the Fed. It is noteworthy that Republican Fed officials have tended to be more hawkish of late about raising rates sooner rather than later. The most dovish voice has been that of a Democrat - Janet Yellen, president of the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco. If tea leaves from the Fed indicate anything, it is that Mr. Bush could get tough treatment from officials tied to his own party.



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (70760)1/23/2005 10:10:45 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
Billionaire Buffett has a bear-y bad feeling
___________________________

By Brett Arends
Friday, January 21, 2005
business.bostonherald.com

Is Warren Buffett still the market seer of legend, or is he just a grumpy old man?
The 74-year old ``Sage of Omaha'' took to the airwaves yesterday to warn that pretty much everything was overpriced and bound to go down.
Biggest dislike: the dollar, thanks to the huge U.S. trade deficit.
``We are force-feeding dollars on the rest of the world at the rate of close to a couple billion dollars a day,'' he said in an interview on cable channel CNBC. ``That's going to weigh on the dollar . . . unless we have a major change in trade policies, I don't see how the dollar avoids going down.''
But, he added, ``I don't know if it's going to be this month, next month or next year.''
Buffett is sitting on a cash pile that swelled to $43 billion last autumn because he cannot find any bargains. That's a record sum for his financial conglomerate Berkshire Hathaway, whose entire market value is $135 billion.
He doesn't like the stock market: ``I'm having a hard time finding things to buy,'' he said. He doesn't like commodities, such as steel, copper or coffee: ``We haven't been buying commodities.'' And he doesn't like bonds: ``I think you're going to see more inflation,'' he said.
Rising prices are the Black Death for bonds, whose coupon payments are fixed.
Nor is Buffett tempted by the recent slump in airline stocks. ``I have an 800 number I call when I get the urge to buy an airline stock, and I call them up at midnight and say, `My name is Warren and I'm an air-holic.' And they talk me down.''
Is Buffett being too gloomy?
Perhaps. But investors should be wary of disregarding his warnings lightly. In 50 years on the stock market, Buffett has built a $43 billion personal fortune from a standing start through his investment acuity, making himself the world's second-richest man. He began betting against the dollar three years ago, just as the greenback was beginning its long slide on currency markets.



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (70760)1/24/2005 1:25:03 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Bush: The Secret History of a Reelection
____________________________

By Vincent Jauvert
Le Nouvel Observateur
Week of 20 January 2005

Traps, marketing, and dirty tricks... Today one of his team's strategists confesses: "In July 2004, we thought we were done for." And yet, in spite of the Iraqi disaster, in spite of abysmal deficits and social breakdown, Bush turned the situation around. And beat Kerry by 3.5 million votes. Vincent Jauvert describes the underbelly of a campaign as incredibly sophisticated as it was devoid of any scruples.

That Wednesday, August 4, 2004, John Kerry believed he was protected from any low blow. He had just been nominated by the Democratic convention and all the polls gave him the advantage. He could breathe for a few days. Relax his attention. The opposing side would not attack before September - not in full midsummer. So he thought.

But Bush's men are extremely skillful killers. They chose to strike August 4 precisely because no one expected it. And to strike where it would do the most harm. The surprise attack was a series of advertisements, financed underhandedly by a rich Texas real estate developer, a close friend of "W." There one saw suppositious Kerry comrades-in-arms from Vietnam. They are full of hatred. They utter cries of rage. They assert that the Senator from Massachusetts didn't deserve the prestigious decorations he received in 1971, that he is not the war hero America had respected for thirty years, but a liar and a coward. To hear them, Kerry had not saved his comrades as he claimed. He had, on the contrary, abandoned and betrayed them.

All that is nothing but a barefaced lie, a put-up, a pitch. So gross that Kerry didn't react right away. He hemmed and hawed. He waited for the maneuver to turn against its instigators. But his silence instilled a doubt among hesitant voters. The manipulators hit their mark. Their prey was wounded: mortally: in a few days, Kerry's odds fell. They never returned to their August 4 level. And Bush will remain at the head of America for four more years - to the despair of millions of Democrats and the rest of the planet.

Kerry went up against a remarkable political marketing team - the best in the history of the United States, they say in Washington. A team composed essentially of Texans, disciplined and welded together. Totally devoted to George Bush for more than ten years. A team without scruples and formidably organized. A few days before George Bush's swearing-in ceremony this January 20, we interviewed a few of the artisans of this reelection.

They told the behind the scenes story of "W.'s" campaign, a campaign unlike any other, secretly begun four years ago.

Jan van Lohuizen owns a polling institute in Houston, Texas, but has lived in Washington, near his boss George Bush, since 2001. With a round head and round eyeglasses, he is the public opinion polling specialist for the clan. It was along with him that Karl Rove, "W.'s" all-powerful political advisor, buffed the reelection strategy to a shine. Originally from the Netherlands, Jan van Lohuizen maintains a slight accent and the bearing of a pastor from his Batavian years. In his wood house on Capitol Hill, he relates: "We established our plan for 2004 four years ago, right after our near-failure with Gore. The observation was simple: in 2000, we believed that presidential campaigns were always won from the center. Consequently, we sought to appeal to hesitating Democrats. But they didn't join us, while part of the right dropped us. So to win in 2004, we had to change strategy and win back millions of abstaining Republicans." By any and all means.

From the day of his inauguration in January 2001, Bush subordinated every act of the new administration to a single goal: his reelection. Every proposed bill, every appointment, every trip had to serve this ultimate objective. "What's happening in the White House is unprecedented in modern history (...). Everything -I mean everything - is shaped by political marketing," revealed one of the rare initiates to have deserted the clan, John Dilulio, in 2003.

The master craftsman of this permanent electoral campaign is the friend of thirty years, the strategist, the guru: Karl Rove. At fifty, this brusque and jovial autodidact has the president's absolute trust. Never, say political scientists, has an advisor been so powerful. From his office on the ground floor of the White House, Rove, whom Bush nicknames "Turdblossom," terrorizes the apparatus of State. Every week, he convenes all the Cabinet members' chiefs of staff. He verifies that the least expenses are useful to the President's reelection. "He analyzes the electoral consequences of contemplated programs right down to the county level!" says political scientist Paul Light.

For four years, Rove - "architect" of the reelection, Bush will say the day after his victory - operates and maneuvers. He secretly talks to the most reactionary religious leaders every week. He takes great care of them. He has the very devil of a need for their support: the extreme Christian right massively abstained from voting in 2000. Especially white Evangelical Protestants. Four million of them didn't vote. They thought Bush was too left wing...

Richard Land is one of these much-courted religious leaders. He participates in the weekly telephone conferences with Rove. Land is imposing. Big, brown haired, square, this "sixth generation" Texan (he specifies) wears a signet ring, a black suit, and a red tie. Fifty-seven years old ("three months younger than George"), he directs the powerful Southern Baptist Convention. With 16 million members, it's the second largest American religious organization, behind the Catholic Church. Its headquarters is located in Nashville, in the Deep South. There, on the first floor of a brick building adjacent to famous country music bars, this doctor of philosophy swaggers: "Bush needs us, needs our strike force. That's what Karl organizes these phone calls for the last four years. We had contacts in the Reagan team, but nothing so regular, so formalized. With the Bush team, we talk all the time about everything: appointments to key posts, planned laws, coming elections..."

When necessary, the power shows itself ecumenical. It also cajoles Catholics, on account of ever more numerous Latinos. When he comes to Europe, Bush almost always makes a detour to the Vatican, to display himself with Jean-Paul II. He never misses an opportunity to remind people that his brother Jeb, governor of Florida, converted to "Papism" and married Columba, a devout Mexican. Since Bush's arrival in power, the White House even has a "liaison officer" for the Catholic community - with a part of it anyway. This intercessor is in permanent and discreet contact with several right wing (and even extreme right wing) Catholic figures.

He brings them together every week, far from prying eyes, listens to their complaints and their advice. Then he makes a report to Karl Rove, to Bush if necessary.

Editor-in-Chief of a fundamentalist journal, the go-between in question is Deal Hudson. He refuses to reveal the names of the participants in these meetings. He no doubt fears for the reputation of certain bishops whom he has succeeded in leading astray into politicians' politics. A strange sort of person, this Hudson. Nice face and signet ring, a graying fifty-year-old or thereabouts, you would say he came out of a sitcom for the elderly along the lines of "Fires of Love." Nevertheless, he talks like a female deck chair attendant. In his Washington office, he moans against the degradation of morals and sexual promiscuity. He curses Kerry, the Catholic, who - Can you imagine! - took communion in a black Methodist church, "a most serious sin."

However Hudson the bigot is also a marketing pro. Aside from his White House functions, he directs the campaign cell charged with mobilizing Catholics. To "sell" his nineteenth century ideas, he uses twenty-first century techniques. "GPS has radically changed the way we work," he tells me. "We had to distribute pro-Bush pamphlets in 6000 churches. 25,000 people volunteered. Which ones should we choose? With GPS and a special program, we were able to identify those whose homes were closest to the churches. They were the ones who did it. Incredible, isn't it?" Miraculous, even.

With the Bush team, fishing for votes is no longer an art; it's a state-of-the-art technique. Jan van Lohuizen, recounts: "In the swing states, we succeeded in reaching millions of Republican sympathizers, one by one, in a personalized way." How? The operation, which mobilized all the best programmers, is unique in American political history. "In America," he explains, "there are companies that specialize in collecting and selling information about individuals. It's entirely legal. They can supply an incredible amount of data about each person: the brand of their car, their income, their level of education, their favorite magazines, their favorite television programs, whether the person is a home owner or a renter, the number of telephone calls made abroad, the church a person goes to, their children's schools... Big firms like Visa constantly use this information for their advertising operations." But no one had used it yet to get a president elected. "We bought all the data about everyone (!) registered to vote," Van Lohuizen explains. One important point: some citizens' party affiliation was known from these lists. We crunched all this information in our computers. That allowed us to identify about thirty different types of voter and then to imagine the most convincing arguments for each one of those types. Then all we had to do was classify each individual within those categories and send that person the corresponding message."

Useless, for example, to contact a Volvo driver who does yoga: the probability is 90% he/she is a Democrat. A BMW owner and hunter is certainly Republican. We have to write to him. But what? That depends on other factors. If he makes many long distance phone calls, he probably votes less often than the average person. And if he goes to church regularly, he's certain to oppose abortion. "So the computer will send him several letters explaining that if Kerry is elected, there will be more abortions. And that he absolutely must vote to prevent these massacres." But if he's a Latino, he will surely go to the polls (statistically, abstention is rare among Hispanics). Rather than trying to mobilize him, the automatic message will ask him to campaign in his neighborhood.

Bush's men target their messages with an unheard of precision. Even billboards. County by county, their computers indicate the typical route "Republican sympathizers" take from home to work. All they have to do is reserve the billboards along the way. The same for the small screen. Buying big blocks of television time is now out of the question. They want everything tailored. They know which are the favorite programs of each category of electors. With some surprises sometimes. White House advertisers nearly fainted when they discovered that women "moderately sympathetic to the Republican Party" adore a gay TV series. But they got over it quickly and conceived some commercials specifically for that audience, carefully avoiding, naturally, any reference to Bush's frankly homophobic discourse (that specifically intended for white Protestant men who drive 4x4s and read "Hunting Magazine").

The Bush team segments its message with perfect cynicism. An example: "We made lots of radio commercials for rural areas, but we made sure that the radio stations in question were not broadcast in the cities," explains Paul Curcio, one of the most frequently seen advertising specialists in Republican circles. Why take such precautions? "Because rural people on the right are very very right wing," he explains. "So we speak to them in very muscular tones. Urban dwellers, generally more moderate, mustn't hear it. They would be frightened."

One theme, skillfully chosen, federates, mobilizes, and enrages rural people and the entire traditionalist right: homosexual marriage. Pro-Bush activists asserted that if Kerry were elected, legalization of these unions would be inevitable (even though the Democratic candidate had said and repeated that he was not in favor of them). To inflame the passions, referendums on the subject were opportunely organized in a dozen key states on the same day as the presidential election. The goal: to attract even more Evangelicals and right wing Catholics to the polls, the ones who intended to abstain from the presidential election, betting that if they went out to vote in the referendum, they would also vote for the supreme payload - Bush obviously.

Give unto Caesar...The idea of focusing the campaign on gay marriage was not Karl Rove's. Richard Land, the Southern Baptist, was the one who "sold" it to him. The doctor of philosophy (graduate of Oxford, no less!) tells how, in his own words: "It was the end of January 2004. The mayor of San Francisco had just married 3000 gay couples and the Massachusetts Supreme Court had determined that such a union was possible. I called Karl and told him he had to jump on the opportunity, that that subject would move mountains. He wasn't too hot about it as a theme for a national campaign; he was afraid of alienating moderate Republicans. But I told him that our base was enraged, that there was a chance they'd abstain again.

So then he gave in. And 78% of white Evangelical Protestants voted for Bush!" Thank-you, Reverend Land.

The other big theme of the campaign, its veritable leitmotiv, was, of course, the "war against terrorism." The catch-all expression doesn't make much strategic sense, but it allows the Republicans to keep public opinion under pressure. Bush and Rove had sniffed out its electoral potential immediately after September 11. In January 2002, four months after the attacks, Rove already declared to Republican Party leaders meeting in a closed door session: "The war against terrorism is a subject that can make us win. Americans trust Republicans better than Democrats to protect them."

Was the Iraq invasion part of the reelection plan? Nothing proves it. But if that were the case, what a blooper! For the bogging down of the conflict in Baghdad very nearly cost Bush his second term. "In the last months of the campaign," says Jan van Lohuizen, "our problem was the war in Iraq. It could easily have cost us the election. Our goal was to distract the voters' attention." Towards what? The "terrorist menace," by gum! To make the country forget the disaster in Baghdad, it was necessary to scare the heartland so it would throw itself intro the arms of the courageous and inflexible president. Just before the election, Bush's publicists concocted a terrifying ad: ravenous wolves (the terrorists, you understand) ready to devour innocents (the Americans, of course). "That paid off, paid off a lot, even," confides Jan van Lohuizen with a smile.

And the famous Bin Laden tape, broadcast the weekend before the vote, was that also a last minute maneuver? "Of course not," he says. "We didn't have anything to do with it. But we researched to see whether it had an impact." The answer: "No." Whatever.

Anticipate the opponent's moves and draw him out onto the terrain they've chosen: that's the Bush men's credo. March 15, 2004, the Massachusetts Senator had just won the primaries and was getting ready to give an important foreign policy speech. "W.'s" team decides to lay a trap. That same morning, it broadcast a spot conceived the day before: a serious voice asks Kerry whether he voted for or against funding the war in Iraq; they would like to know. The Democratic candidate wants to give an up to the minute answer. But he hadn't prepared anything and his case is complicated. Yes, he wants to vote for the funding, but on one condition: that Congress first adopt an amendment to the law reducing rich people's taxes. Consequently he voted in favor of that amendment, then, when it was rejected, he voted against the military funding. But he gets unnerved; he gets muddled up and says: "Yes, I voted for the 87 billion dollars before... voting against it." Bingo! He fell right into the trap. In this phrase, Kerry suggests he is hesitant, indecisive, fickle - in English, a flip-flopper. Exactly what the Bush team was waiting for to define their adversary, largely unknown to the general public that March 15, 2004. They would pick up this shambolic phrase in a fantastic ad campaign (100 million dollars) starting the following week. And Kerry would be definitively catalogued as a flip-flopper: a weather vane. An image that would stick with him until November 2.

truthout.org



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (70760)1/24/2005 1:49:36 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
A Social Security Bubble?

cfo.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (70760)1/25/2005 10:39:02 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
Going for the gold

_________________________________________________

The Globe & Mail Newspaper

The markets have stumbled in 2005, paving the way for defensive strategies. While the streets may not be paved with gold, in the view of George Vasic, strategist & chief economist at UBS, the yellow metal offers better prospects, in a lower growth environment. Relative to the S&P/TSX composite index, the gold sector's "best performance is when the market is up small, or down," Mr. Vasic told Report On Business Television. From 1970 to 2004, the gold stocks have gained an additional 6.3 per cent annually compared with the S&P/TSX, when the composite has made single digit gains. Mr. Vasic also noted the price of gold has been "tracing an almost perfectly negative correlation to the U.S. dollar," with interest rates and supply and demand issues playing second fiddle. UBS also expects the U.S. dollar to continue its decline, as net private capital flows are not big enough to support the current account deficit. Add to this the recent pull back in gold stocks and there are "a number of attractive characteristics at the moment", Mr. Vasic said. Aaron Sobeski (Mr. Sobeski is an associate producer at Report on Business Television.) Whither the January effect? Market watchers usually tout the first month of the year as the big one for inflows of investor cash in the runup to registered retirement savings plan and tax time. But even Art Hogan concedes the January effect seems to be a washout so far this year. "It's off significantly from historic levels," said Mr. Hogan, chief market strategist at Jefferies & Co. in Boston. The strategist told Report On Business Television's Jim O'Connell that U.S. investors are sitting on the sidelines so far this year because of the weak greenback and continuing worries about high energy prices cutting into corporate profit margins and growth. But Mr. Hogan said an even bigger shadow lurking in investors' minds is the prospect of a slowdown in earnings growth. He said "2005 over 2004 is going to see significant earnings deceleration," noting most forecasters are pegging 2005 earnings growth at just 10 per cent, compared with the 14-to-15 per cent likely for all of 2004 once final fourth-quarter financial results trickle in soon. But Mr. Hogan is calling for stocks to bounce back in the second quarter once all the Wall Street money wags realize that U.S. equities are deeply oversold and undervalued from this January sell-off we're now experiencing. Although the chill is in for tech stocks (the Nasdaq is down 7.7 per cent so far in 2005, compared with a drop of around 3.8 per cent for the Dow and 4 per cent for the S&P 500) Mr. Hogan's firm has just slapped a "buy" rating on eBay (EBAY-Nasdaq). They've upgraded it from "hold" because the trouncing it's just suffered after missing forecasts makes it attractively cheap. Plus, Mr. Hogan personally sees a good long-term outlook in the fact that the on-line auctioneer is upping its research and development spending in a big way. The stock fell $3.68 (U.S.) to $82.37 Monday on the Nasdaq Stock Market. Turns out Mr. Hogan is also a bit of a gambling man: his hot pick is Las Vegas Sands (LVS-NYSE), one of only four gaming firms operating in the Chinese territory of Macau. The stock has tanked since its Dec. 22 IPO, but Jefferies & Co. sees only dollar signs in the world's fastest-growing population of gamblers. It just initiated coverage of the stock with a "buy" rating and a $51 12-month price target. Las Vegas Sands fell closed at $42.25 on the New York Stock Exchange Tuesday. - Christine Wong (Christine Wong is associate producer at Report on Business Television.)

tinyurl.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (70760)1/26/2005 9:08:02 AM
From: Wharf Rat  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES
OF KONDRATIEV'S LONG-WAVE CYCLE

Antal E. Fekete
Professor Emeritus
Memorial University of Newfoundland

Summary for the busy executive

Here we offer a new theory explaining the causes of Kondratiev's long-wave economic cycle in terms of gold and the hoarding of commodities. Our description of the cycle itself is also novel and very different from the conventional. We shall be talking about a huge oscillating money-flow to-and-fro between the bond market and the commodity market. When the money-tide begins to flow at the commodity market and ebb at the bond market, we have the inflationary phase of rising prices and interest rates. When the tide is reversed and it begins to flow at the bond and ebb at the commodity market, we have the deflationary phase of falling prices and interest rates. In one word, Kondratiev's long-wave cycle is the manifestation of the fluctuation in the propensity to hoard. The key question is this: what causes this fluctuation? Is it a natural phenomenon outside of man's control or, perhaps, it is induced by wrong-headed government policy?

Economic cycles

Economists recognize four major cycles, or regular fluctuations, in the economy as follows:

(1) Kitchin's short-wave cycle of average duration 3-5 years, discovered in
1930;

(2) Juglar's cycle of average duration 7-11 years, discovered in 1862;

(3) Kuznets' medium-wave cycle of average duration 15-25 years,
discovered in 1923;

(4) Kondratiev's long-wave cycle of average duration 45-60 years,
discovered in 1922.

J. Schumpeter, who was born in Austria and came to the United States where he also served as President of the American Economic Society in the 1950's, was an outstanding student of economic cycles. He believed that the various cycles are inter-dependent, in contrast with the view of others such as Forrester, who believed that the cycles act independently of one another. Schumpeter baptized three of the four cycles by naming them after their discoverers. The exception was Kuznets' cycle which he did not recognize.

At any rate, Kuznets got a "consolation prize" for being passed over by Schumpeter, namely the Nobel Prize for economics. Moreover, he is the only Nobel-laureate among the four name-giving economists. Kuznets noticed that residential and industrial buildings have an average useful life of 21-23 years. His medium-wave cycle is about fluctuations caused by the amortization-cycle and the problem of replacing ageing buildings. It is interesting to note that all the students of cycles among the four whose name begins with a K were Russian.

Kondratiev's long-wave cycle

The long-wave cycle in the capitalist economy was discovered by the Soviet economist N. D. Kondratieff (1892-1930) in 1922. He had been anticipated by J. van Geldren in 1913 and, even earlier, by Jevons in 1878 and H. Clarke in 1847, among others. Independently of Kondratiev, De Wolfe proposed a theory involving the idea of a long-wave cycle in 1924.

As we have noted above, some important students of cycles believed that they were inter-dependent. In particular, they noted that the average length of each of the four cycles is slightly longer than double the length of the immediately preceding shorter cycle. In the 1930's historians F. Braudel, F. Simiand, ands E. Larousse looked at changes in the "secular trend" that was taking place roughly every 100 years. This suggests that Kondratiev's cycle might also be followed by a centennial cycle of approximately twice the duration.

Kondratiev's methodology involved the analysis of 21 statistical series, that is, 21 economic indicators such as the price index, the rate of interest, wage rates, rents; volume of production, consumption, exports, imports, employment, etc., as well as their standard deviations. In studying volumes Kondratiev used per capita data. He calculated deviation from the trend through the method of least squares. In order to filter out noise caused by the shorter cycles he employed nine-year moving averages. He took his data-base from the French, British, German, and the U.S. economy.

Only in 6 of the 21 series could Kondratiev not confirm the presence of a long wave-cycle. Significantly, in the case of the price level and the rate of interest the evidence was strong. Kondratiev's ultimate conclusion was that he obtained sufficient empirical basis to support the hypothesis of the existence of a long-wave economic cycle in the capitalist economies he studied, with an average duration of 54 years. He allowed a 25 percent deviation from this average. In particular, Kondratiev identified three historic waves:

(i) First wave: rising phase from 1780-90 to 1810-17;
falling phase from 1810-17 to 1844-51

(ii) Second wave: rising phase from 1844-51 to 1870-75; falling phase from
1870-75 to 1890-96.

(iii) Third wave: rising phase from 1890-96 to 1914-20;
falling phase started 1914-20.

Kondratieff was exiled to Siberia by Bolshevik officials who flatly rejected his conclusions. To the faithful there could only be one falling phase of the capitalist economy, followed by the socialist revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat. And, following that, there was to be only one rising phase, leading to eternal bliss under communism.

Kondratiev died in the Gulag in 1930 at the age of 38. His work was later updated by other economists using his original methodology. They found that the falling phase of the third wave ended 1947-48, and that there is a

(iv) Fourth wave: rising phase from 1947-48 to 1973-80; falling phase
started 1973-80.

lots more at...
gold-eagle.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (70760)1/27/2005 11:36:29 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Charts of the Day - Gold

chartoftheday.com

chartoftheday.com

Quote of the Day:

"The desire for gold is the most universal and deeply rooted commercial instinct of the human race."
- Gerald M. Loeb



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (70760)1/30/2005 2:12:41 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
The Fed should raise another quarter-point next week. But are more aggressive hikes in the cards?

money.cnn.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (70760)2/21/2005 5:02:32 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 89467
 
When the Fed stops its neutral talking, we'll know the squeeze is about to be applied

news.independent.co.uk