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Politics : Israel to U.S. : Now Deal with Syria and Iran -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?

To: GUSTAVE JAEGER who wrote (6884)	1/31/2005 12:23:28 PM
From: Elmer Flugum	Read Replies (1) \| Respond to of 22250

I found my answer as I completed the article you linked: Israel and Algeria amid French Colonialism and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1954–1978 iupjournals.org CONCLUSIONS "Israel's dependence on France for military hardware and the building of the nuclear reactor in Dimona precluded any option for her to rally around Algerian causes. The complaint lodged by pro-FLN Israelis at their government for being "more French than the French," or of Ben-Gurion emerging as a slavish acolyte of French colonialism and consequently incurring the wrath of Algerian nationalists, has few merits. Israel was indeed "overly loyal" to the French, Ben-Gurion did support Algerian partition,98 and Jerusalem's inclination to change policy in 1962 may well be judged as "too little too late." Yet this loyalty also stemmed from Israel's concern over the fate of Algerian Jews, a good many of whom had been victimized by both the FLN and OAS. Moreover, basing their argument on past experiences, Israeli diplomats felt that a favorable voting record in the UN for Algerian independence would most likely have backfired, as had been the case with Libya in 1951. On the other hand, there is no evidence of Israeli involvement with the OAS. Most Algerian nationalist leaders were not as neutral over the Arab-Israeli conflict as some would have us believe. In Algeria, the FLN disseminated tracts painting a grotesque image of an Israel born out of thievery and the murder of "millions" of Arabs.99 After 1960, the FLN Diaspora leadership practically ruled out recognizing Israel.100 Just as Israel could ill afford to alienate France, the FLN could hardly manifest indifference to the Palestine question before the Arab states without forfeiting their support. Egypt had enabled some FLN leaders to take refuge in Cairo, while Morocco and Tunisia absorbed tens of thousands of Algerian refugees and rebels, and Tunisia became the political headquarters of the Algerian government in exile. Algerian and Israeli interests until 1962 were diametrically opposed. Abd al-Raziq's or Mekaouche's stance proved marginal, for they neither voiced the dominant view within the FLN, nor did they partake in the organization's decision-making. After 1962, Algerian leaders could not accept Israel. Embedded in their thinking was the common fate of dispossessed Palestinians and dispossessed Maghribi Muslims. In the 1980s, Algerian leaders departed from dogmatic revolutionary principles, becoming susceptible to the changing times. However the current impasse in the Middle East peace process and radical Islamic ferment in Algeria, reduce prospects of improved Algerian-Israeli relations in the foreseeable future."