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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (157758)2/5/2005 10:12:20 AM
From: jlallen  Respond to of 281500
 
is that not his expertise, his legacy, his signature ?

No...its not.....what a dumb post....



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (157758)2/7/2005 7:19:16 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
U.S. uses Iraqi election to justify invasion

_________________________

By ADRIAN HAMILTON
BRITISH COLUMNIST
Friday, February 4, 2005

What now for democracy in the Middle East following the elections in Iraq? To listen to President Bush in his State of the Union address Wednesday, you would think that the elections were a triumph of American arms that would now shine as a beacon throughout the region. Today Iraq. Tomorrow the world, or at least the Arab part of it.

Some exaggeration is understandable from a president whose support for the war among his own electorate is sliding fast. And no one should gainsay either the real enthusiasm for the vote among Iraqis or the courage of those in Baghdad and the Sunni areas who did turn out to vote.

But what bedevils all discussion of Iraq and its role in the Middle East is the dogged determination of Western politicians and commentators to see it only in their own terms. A successful vote has to be acclaimed as a justification for invasion, just as continued violence has to be seen as the proof against it.

It's as if Iraqis must be happy to prove the case of one side -- or be dying to prove the other. "Are you for or against democracy in Iraq?" was the particularly fatuous question posed by the columnist in one newspaper.

If the elections last Sunday achieved anything outside the country, it should have been to stop this patronizing egocentricity that sees the Middle East only though the prism of its own obsessions. It won't, of course, because politicians in the West have too much invested in their original policy toward the invasion to see it in any other terms.

Yet they must, at least if they want Iraq to develop successfully from this point on. Sunday's vote was not a full and fair election. How could it be, considering the violence, the lack of observers, the absence of live campaigning and the way in which it was skewed to those with access to the media or the mosque?

What it did express -- inspiringly so in parts -- was a profound desire for self-determination among ordinary Iraqis. Whether it was in reaction to the occupation, Saddam Hussein, British imperialism in the past or American self-interest in the present doesn't really matter. Iraqis now want to determine their own future.

What we cannot know at this stage is whether they will pursue it through Iraqi nationalism or ethnic separatism; whether they want the continuation of the occupying forces; whether they can balance the competing pulls of different interests or end up in division. The Iraqis themselves don't know. These are things that have to be worked out in the power play of politics, democratically or otherwise.

The job of the outside world is to be as supportive as possible while interfering least. But it is here that the pronouncements coming out of Washington, D.C., and in some quarters here, worry most. The United States, and with it Britain, did not invade Iraq to give the Iraqis self-determination. They invaded for a whole host of reasons to do with U.S. interests: from oil to security to Israel and Washington's view on the need to reshape the Middle East. Democracy was seen the means to reform the region, not as an end in itself. Elections this year were not even part of the original plan. They were forced on the occupying powers by the pressure of the Shiah.

None of that thinking has gone away, not if you read Bush's lips or listen to his new secretary of state, Condoleezza Rice. Iraq is seen -- just as the two-state solution in Palestine -- not as the objective but the route to other things. Democracy in Iraq will set off a chain reaction through Iraq, Syria and even the United States' allies in the Gulf that will remove Washington's (and Israel's) enemies, pump out the oil and wipe out support for international terrorism.

Maybe. It's a perfectly logical scenario viewed from afar. It's also true that the Middle East is ripe for change at the moment. All over the region regimes are at odds with their people. Any stone dropped in the pond will create large ripples. But it's also true that it's a view that takes almost no account of conditions as actually seen on the ground -- that the majority of Iranians may actually want their government to have nuclear weapons, whether they want a change in regime or not; that most Egyptians would be as happy to end all relations with Israel as continue them; that the Syrian population is behind its government in its refusal to compromise on water rights and the Golan Heights; and that Saudi Arabians want to see the United States out of its oil as well as its bases.

Most Arab populations see themselves humiliated in their relations with the West. Self-determination for them means self-assertion. And Iraq, for them, is not some great experiment in democracy or any other abstract constitutional precept. It is about whether a Middle Eastern state will be allowed to develop without interference from the outside, treating with its neighbors according to its own interests and not the strategic plans of others, handling its oil development and its revenues as it sees fit and producing the constitution and administrations that reflect its majority view.
_______________________

Adrian Hamilton writes for The Independent in Britain.

seattlepi.nwsource.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (157758)2/7/2005 7:58:19 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
P-I Focus: Global warming is written in stone
_____________________________________________

Will we, and our leaders, heed the warning of prehistory?

By PETER WARD
PROFESSOR
Sunday, February 6, 2005

In his masterpiece novel, "The First Circle," Alexander Solzhenitsyn wrote about the nightmare that was Stalinist Russia in the 1950s, a time of purges and terror. I read this novel in 1968, during the height of the Vietnam War, while I was a freshman at the University of Washington, and I remember a memorable passage in which Solzhenitsyn accurately noted that the vast majority of scientists in Russia at that time were paleontologists.

Apparently studying the past was a better elixir for escaping the present than any drug, and it was clear that the great Nobel laureate viewed paleontologists as perhaps the least relevant scientists on the planet -- intellectuals who had knowingly chosen a field of absolutely no interest or use to that totalitarian state.

Having already decided to make the study of paleontology my career when I read this novel, I, too, wondered about my relevance to society (but certainly appreciated the way that paleontology could indeed take one's mind off a brutal and dangerous present). More than 35 years have passed since then. Armed with the fabulous education that I had received in Seattle's public schools and the University of Washington, I did succeed in making a living out of studying the past, and have even returned to take the position of my old research professor at the UW.

Over my career, I have watched my field flourish and provide incontrovertible evidence that evolution, a scientific principle that for unclear reasons still causes great insecurity to many fundamentalist Christians, is a fact. For this reason alone, it is clear that paleontology is not as irrelevant as averred by Solzhenitsyn.

In fact, new findings that I helped gather, and very recently published in Science magazine, may offer key clues and information sorely needed by policy-makers in at least one other hot-button topic: global warming. Is there a threat to biodiversity in the current rise in global temperature caused by the greenhouse gases that humans have produced? It turns out that paleontology has much to offer in answering this question.

Our work has shown that the greatest mass extinction in all of Earth's history was caused at least in part -- perhaps in largest part -- by an ancient episode of global warming. There were certainly no smokestacks, or sport utility vehicles, about 250 million years ago, when the world underwent a cataclysmic mass extinction that has come to be known as "The Great Dying."

But a cataclysmic outpouring of volcanic lava ultimately covered a third of the land area of Siberia, causing enormous quantities of carbon dioxide gas to enter the atmosphere at the end of the Permian Period. Because of increased atmospheric CO{-2} from this prolonged volcanic episode, the Earth warmed very quickly: so quickly, in fact, that the plant life of the time could not disperse or evolve for warmer conditions rapidly enough to ensure survival.

As plants died, animals soon followed. This cataclysm stretched on for millions of years, but it had its greatest concentration of heating during an interval of 10,000 years or less, and by the end, more than 80 percent of all life on Earth had gone extinct. And this extinction was not unique. In rocks of about 60 million years in age (and in rocks of 110, 125, 175, 201, 214, 227 and 250 million years in age), a great death of species is recorded.

Much new information about these mass extinctions tell us the cause: Each appears to have been associated with elevated atmospheric levels of carbon dioxide, causing a rapid rise in global temperatures. The higher temperatures caused plant death and ecosystem disruption, leading to widespread species extinction among both vertebrates and invertebrates. I can show that at least 11 times in the past 250 million years, bouts of global warming have produced successive mass extinctions -- two in the late Permian Period, three in the Triassic, two in the Jurassic, two in the Cretaceous and two in the Tertiary. A new paradigm is now apparent: Global warming has thus caused the majority of mass extinctions in our planet's past, including the most catastrophic of them all, the Permian mass extinction.

Today we are also in a period when rising rates of carbon dioxide are rapidly warming our world. Could this also cause a mass extinction? Probably not, at least on the scale of the Permian extinction. Our plants are better adapted for change, and ecosystems of the modern world may be more resilient than those of a quarter-billion years ago in the face of global warming.

Thus, while most of us who study past catastrophes believe that we are not facing a new mass extinction comparable to that of the Permian, this does not mean that we are not at some risk from the natural gases that we are unnaturally spewing into the atmosphere. While most plants are resilient, many of the species making up important agricultural crops are not. We absolutely depend on bumper crops to feed the ever-more human mouths that each new year brings. Global warming can, and probably will, perturb patterns of temperature and rainfall in critical agricultural regions, such as the American Midwest and the vast steppes of central Russia, regions that are essential for the production of wheat and other grains necessary to feed 6 or more billion humans. While we cannot yet predict whether the changes now occurring will make matters better or worse for crop yields, can we really afford to gamble our future by doing nothing?

The Permian animals could do nothing about their volcanoes, and they mostly died out. But we can -- and must -- do something about the equivalent sources of greenhouse gases in our time. As China and India enter the Automobile Age, our time for action grows ever shorter. Our more recent climate has been the alteration between glacial and interglacial, with the tropics now inhabiting a relatively narrow band at low latitudes, rather than the nearly pole-to-pole tropics of the late Permian world. But for how much longer?

The production of greenhouse gases by human activity is changing the climate. We are specifically returning to an Eocene climate, the time 60 million years ago when palm trees, now seen in the rocks on Chuckanut Drive, grew in what is now Bellingham, a time when there was no polar ice. The Eocene world was so much warmer because it had higher CO{-2} values. At the rate of current rise of CO{-2} caused by human as well as natural causes combined, we will be at the same level that created the temperatures allowing Eocene palm trees in Washington in less than a century. Our future appears to look like our past. While having palm trees might be nice, having the tropical diseases, such as malaria that is the scourge of warm regions, may not be so nice.

Last week, as news reports of our paleontological findings began to circulate, I was amazed at the outpouring of questions from ordinary citizens who are worried about this issue. But I was alarmed as well at the number of telephone calls and e-mails dripping with hostility toward anyone who would even suggest that global warming is both real and a potential danger to our society and civilization. Global warming will not go away. At this point we can at best blunt the damage, but doing nothing may lead us to catastrophe, especially if the swell of human population is met by a downturn in global food production.

While paleontologists have entered the arena of relevancy in this new century, unfortunately it is now our political leaders who are stuck back in the 1950s.

Alexander Solzhenitsyn wrote of a "first circle." I am afraid that we have come full circle, re-entering a world like that of 250 million years ago -- but a world in which the leader of the greatest producer of greenhouse gases -- and thus global warming -- prefers obfuscation to the unfortunately expensive but necessary confrontation of a potential global killer. History may judge George W. Bush far more harshly for what he did not do than for what he did.
_________________________________

Peter D. Ward is a professor of biology and earth and space sciences at the University of Washington.



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (157758)2/15/2005 11:50:32 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 281500
 
Shiites Take Absolute Majority in Parliament
______________________________

Iran Scores Victory in the Iraqi Elections

juancole.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (157758)2/17/2005 8:14:18 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
Bush's Barberini Faun
___________________________

By MAUREEN DOWD
OP-ED COLUMNIST
THE NEW YORK TIMES
February 17, 2005

WASHINGTON - I am very impressed with James Guckert, a k a Jeff Gannon.

How often does an enterprising young man, heralded in press reports as both a reporter and a contributor to such sites as Hotmilitarystud.com, Workingboys.net, Militaryescorts .com, MilitaryescortsM4M.com and Meetlocalmen.com, get to question the president of the United States?

Who knew that a hotmilitarystud wanting to meetlocalmen could so easily get to be face2face with the commander in chief?

It's hard to believe the White House could hit rock bottom on credibility again, but it has, in a bizarre maelstrom that plays like a dark comedy. How does it credential a man with a double life and a secret past?

"Jeff Gannon" was waved into the press room nearly every day for two years as the conservative correspondent for two political Web sites operated by a wealthy Texas Republican. Scott McClellan often called on the pseudoreporter for softball questions.

Howard Kurtz reported in The Washington Post yesterday that although Mr. Guckert had denied launching the provocative Web sites - one described him as " 'military, muscular, masculine and discrete' (sic)" - a Web designer in California said "that he had designed a gay escort site for Gannon and had posted naked pictures of Gannon at the client's request."

And The Wilmington News-Journal in Delaware reported that Mr. Guckert was delinquent in $20,700 in personal income tax from 1991 to 1994.

I'm still mystified by this story. I was rejected for a White House press pass at the start of the Bush administration, but someone with an alias, a tax evasion problem and Internet pictures where he posed like the "Barberini Faun" is credentialed to cover a White House that won a second term by mining homophobia and preaching family values?

At first when I tried to complain about not getting my pass renewed, even though I'd been covering presidents and first ladies since 1986, no one called me back. Finally, when Mr. McClellan replaced Ari Fleischer, he said he'd renew the pass - after a new Secret Service background check that would last several months.

In an era when security concerns are paramount, what kind of Secret Service background check did James Guckert get so he could saunter into the West Wing every day under an assumed name while he was doing full-frontal advertising for stud services for $1,200 a weekend? He used a driver's license that said James Guckert to get into the White House, then, once inside, switched to his alter ego, asking questions as Jeff Gannon.

Mr. McClellan shrugged this off to Editor & Publisher magazine, oddly noting, "People use aliases all the time in life, from journalists to actors."

I know the F.B.I. computers don't work, but this is ridiculous. After getting gobsmacked by the louche sagas of Mr. Guckert and Bernard Kerik, the White House vetters should consider adding someone with some blogging experience.

Does the Bush team love everything military so much that even a military-stud Web site is a recommendation?

Or maybe Gannon/Guckert's willingness to shill free for the White House, even on gay issues, was endearing. One of his stories mocked John Kerry's "pro-homosexual platform" with the headline "Kerry Could Become First Gay President."

With the Bushies, if you're their friend, anything goes. If you're their critic, nothing goes. They're waging a jihad against journalists - buying them off so they'll promote administration programs, trying to put them in jail for doing their jobs and replacing them with ringers.

At last month's press conference, Jeff Gannon asked Mr. Bush how he could work with Democrats "who seem to have divorced themselves from reality." But Bush officials have divorced themselves from reality.

They flipped TV's in the West Wing and Air Force One to Fox News. They paid conservative columnists handsomely to promote administration programs. Federal agencies distributed packaged "news" video releases with faux anchors so local news outlets would run them. As CNN reported, the Pentagon produces Web sites with "news" articles intended to influence opinion abroad and at home, but you have to look hard for the disclaimer: "Sponsored by the U.S. Department of Defense." The agencies spent a whopping $88 million spinning reality in 2004, splurging on P.R. contracts.

Even the Nixon White House didn't do anything this creepy. It's worse than hating the press. It's an attempt to reinvent it.

nytimes.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (157758)2/17/2005 8:58:39 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
The Christian Case For War

lewrockwell.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (157758)2/17/2005 10:57:10 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
An Election That Sharpened Iraq's Fault Lines

By Dilip Hiro

tomdispatch.com

An apt headline, summarizing the results of the elections to Iraq's 275-representative-strong National Assembly on January 30, would be: "No surprises, no upsets."

Given a large voter turnout in the Shiite majority areas and an even a larger one in the Kurdistan region, it was widely predicted that the Shiite- and Kurdish-dominated alliances would top the polls. They did. As expected, due to the widespread Sunni boycott of the election, the only Sunni-dominated list that managed to win any seats garnered just five -- one-eleventh of the seats that the Sunnis should have won.

Overall, the poll has exposed and sharpened the sectarian and ethnic fault lines in Iraqi society. At the same time, bolstered by a popular mandate, the new government seems set on a collision course with the American occupiers regarding the presence of foreign troops in Iraq.

Each of the three major communities has come to nurture a different scenario for the post-Saddam era. Shorn of their long-held power and yet not reconciled to powerlessness, Sunni leaders are still in disarray, focusing merely on expelling the Americans from their country. For minority Kurds, ethnically and linguistically set apart from Arabs, post-Saddam Iraq holds the promise of a sovereign state of Kurdistan with the oil-rich city of Kirkuk as its capital.

Driven by ethnic nationalism, the Kurds outdid the Shiites in their enthusiasm for balloting. The 90%-plus voter turnout in the three Kurdish-dominated provinces as well as in the ethnically-mixed provinces of Nineveh (capital, Mosul) and Tamim (capital, Kirkuk) has, not surprisingly, strengthened the bargaining power of the Kurdish leaders. Their Kurdistan Alliance gained 25 extra seats at the expense of Sunni Arabs. This has raised tensions between the two communities, especially in Kirkuk and Mosul, the second largest Iraqi city.

For the long-suppressed Shiite majority, the fall of Saddam's regime opened up for the first time the prospect of a popularly-elected, Shiite-led government in Iraq. Little wonder that Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani declared that voting was a religious duty for believers. Accepting Sistani's fatwa (religious decree) unquestioningly, Shiite Muslims streamed to the polling centers on January 30. By backing the Sistani-inspired United Iraqi Alliance (UIA), they underscored the UIA's 22-point manifesto, where the demand for "a timetable for the withdrawal of the multinational forces from Iraq" is almost at the top.

As it happens, this Shiite demand is also popular among Sunnis, from moderates to insurgents. It is up to the leaders of the better-organized Shiite community to find ways to end the alienation most Sunnis are feeling.

Once the National Assembly has elected a Presidency Council -- a President and two deputies -- it will elect an executive Prime Minister and a cabinet. A Shiite-majority government is mandated to demand immediate negotiations with the Bush administration on the modalities of the withdrawal of the American and other foreign troops from Iraq.

But it won't get far. "We will not set an artificial time table for leaving Iraq, because that would embolden the terrorists and make them believe they can wait us out," said President George W. Bush in his State of the Union speech on February 2. "We are in Iraq to achieve a result: a country that is democratic, representative of all its people, at peace with its neighbors, and able to defend itself." No prizes for guessing how long it will take to realize this over-ambitious set of Bush objectives.

So there is a strong prospect of a crisis in Baghdad soon after the inauguration of an elected government.

Besides administering Iraq, the new government will supervise the drafting of the permanent constitution by the National Assembly. Those charged with this task will face two major problems: defining the relationship between state and mosque and the degree of autonomy the Kurds are to receive (not to mention the boundaries of the region where it is to be exercised).

The Role of Islam

A year ago, when the interim constitution was being drafted by the Iraqi Governing Council (IGC) under the supervision of Paul Bremer, the chief administrator of the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA), the issue of Islam and the state proved contentious. When IGC President Muhsin Abdul Hamid proposed making the Sharia "the primary basis" of law in the interim constitution, Bremer threatened to veto the document. (The Sharia is a compendium of the Koran and the Hadith, Sayings and Doings of Prophet Muhammad.) In the end, IGC members compromised by describing the Sharia as "a main source" of Iraqi legislation.

Following the recent poll, Shiite religious leaders staked out a demand. On February 6, a spokesman for Grand Ayatollah Muhammad Ishaq al Fayad, said, "All of the ulema [clergy] and marja [religious leaders], and the majority of the Iraqi people want the National Assembly to make Islam the [sole] source of legislation in the permanent constitution and to reject any law that is contrary to Islam." Sistani backed the statement. A week later, Hussein Shahristani, a leader of the UIA, the winner of 51% of the National Assembly seats, repeated the demand.

While Shiites overwhelmingly favor specifying the Sharia as the sole source of legislation, the Kurdish leaders are not so keen. And the Americans are decidedly against it. But such a provision in the constitution could be an effective way to conciliate the Sunni militants who want "the flag of Islam to fly in Iraq."

The second intractable problem concerns the Kurdish demand that the present boundaries of the Kurdistan Autonomous Region (KAR) consisting of three provinces -- formed during the Baathist rule in 1974 -- be expanded to include the oil-rich Tamim province. The fact that the Kurdistan Alliance secured 48% of the vote (due to the poll boycott by most Sunni Arabs and many Sunni Turkmen) in the simultaneously held elections to the region's Provincial Council has emboldened the Kurdish leaders.

Any enlargement of the KAR will be opposed bitterly not only by local Arabs and Turkmen but also by neighboring Turkey. It fears that the oil revenue from Tamim will make the KAR economically vibrant and pave the way for the declaration of an independent Kurdistan. That in turn will inspire Turkish Kurds in southeastern Turkey to revive their armed struggle for independence.

But, intoxicated by their electoral success, Iraqi Kurdish leaders are likely to turn a deaf ear to the concerns of Turkey or the fears of their ethnic Arab and Turkmen neighbors. So there is trouble brewing ahead within Iraq on ethnic lines -- Kurds versus Arabs and Turkmen -- that threatens to spill over into adjoining Turkey. In other words, Bush's much trumpeted electoral turning point is likely to bring in its train even more severe problems than existed before.

__________________________________

Dilip Hiro is the author of Secrets and Lies: Operation "Iraqi Freedom" and After (Nation Books) and The Essential Middle East: A Comprehensive Guide (Carrol & Graf).