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Politics : Israel to U.S. : Now Deal with Syria and Iran -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Elmer Flugum who wrote (7155)2/26/2005 4:54:47 PM
From: Crimson Ghost  Respond to of 22250
 
Bush in Germany: smiles cannot mask US-European conflicts

By Ulrich Rippert
26 February 2005

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With each day of President George W. Bush’s sojourn through Europe, it became clearer that the smiles for the cameras and declarations of mutual friendship could not hide the increasing transatlantic conflicts.

Media commentary made merry about the “summit of smiles” and the big talk of a new “transatlantic friendship.” Europe had faced weeks of “the drumbeat of an American charm offensive,” wrote the Frankfurter Rundschau, with the Sueddeutsche Zeitung adding that the stock of pathos was exhausted.

“As though repeating a mantra, European and American politicians again and again intoned, ‘style is substance,’ ” another article in the same newspaper commented. “However, this slogan, which is better suited as an advertising slogan for [fashion guru Karl] Lagerfeld than as a political motif, could not disguise the fact that the number of things in common in the daily business of politics is very small.”

Parallels can be found in daily life. Before a personal relationship completely founders on the rocks and turns to outright hostility, a marriage guidance counsellor usually recommends a “goodwill offensive” by both sides. The uncomfortable niceties that follow are usually more embarrassing than useful, producing only a shake of the head from outsiders, who know that it is over.

Even more so in the world of politics, facts are stubborn things. The talks in Mainz were characterised by real conflicts and growing strategic differences.

For the first time, an American president had travelled to Europe under conditions where the dollar was losing its unchallenged supremacy in the world economy. The fragility of the dollar became visible again on Tuesday evening. When South Korea’s Central Bank—which holds $200 billion, the fourth-largest dollar reserves in the world—announced, it wanted to denominate part of these reserves in euros, the dollar lost 1.5 points against the euro; the Dow Jones also slumped by 1.6 percent. Behind this weakness of the dollar stands the enormous US balance-of-payments deficit, which is rising to ever-new record heights.

Since the Iraq war, the Bush administration’s previous attempts to compensate for this economic decline through expressions of military strength have been re-evaluated in Europe. “There is no mistaking what he wants,” wrote the Frankfurter Rundschau. “Quickly reaching painful limits in Iraq, he is again seeking partners who can share a part of the burden.” But if Bush tries to sweep aside past discord between the US and some European countries with the remark that there is no such thing as an American or European strategy, but only one of liberty, then he just makes clear “how little he understands,” the paper wrote.

The fight for liberty and thus for “Western values” would no longer automatically include American supremacy. The times in which “the Europeans simply give way” were finally over. Former German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt (Social Democratic Party-SPD) had already sounded this theme in an article in Die Zeit, which began and ended with the words: “Friendship is not servitude.”

Chancellor Gerhard Schröder (SPD) was the one who most clearly expressed European claims to operate on a par with the US in future. His after-dinner speech at Mainz castle on Wednesday called America and Germany “equal partners.” Despite all the diplomatic niceties, he left no doubt about what he understood by this. Unilateral American actions—an obvious reference to the decision to go to war against Iraq, and the arrogant way in which Europe was confronted with a fait accompli—would no longer be accepted.

Schröder signalled the German government’s readiness to participate in aiding security arrangements in Iraq, but between the lines the warning was clearly audible that in the future, his government was no longer prepared to pick up the tab when there had been no serious cooperation beforehand.

Like his speech at the Munich Security Conference two weeks earlier, Schröder’s criticism was not in principle directed against American actions in Iraq. He mentioned neither the lies nor the doctrine of preventive war that had been used to justify the war, nor the treatment of the prisoners in Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo that contravenes all international laws. The only thing Schröder demanded was “equal rights.” German and European interests would have to be given greater consideration in future.

The differences again became very clear regarding military action against Iran and Syria. Germany, France and Great Britain are seeking a diplomatic solution to the dispute with Teheran about its nuclear programme, and are demanding support for this from the US government as the means of ensuring the effectiveness of this initiative. Bush, on the other hand, not only rejects this approach but has also sought to torpedo it and openly declares that the option of military action is “on the table.”

It is no different in relation to Syria. Even the much-touted “agreement” with the French president on this question fades when looked at more closely. The French delegation advanced the pro-US formula that there was “a new tone, a new style and also a new spirit” in transatlantic relations. But according to French daily Le Figaro, that is far from meaning that the “differences are exhausted.” Although Chirac and Bush both demanded the departure of Syrian troops from the Lebanon before elections there on April 17, they are pursuing completely different aims. France wants to loosen Damascus’s economic and political grip over Beirut. As the former colonial power, it is pursuing its economic and financial interests in Lebanon. For its part, the US wants to put Syria under pressure, to undermine its support for Hezbollah, which is a legal party in Lebanon.

“Paris wants to avoid a confrontation with Syria, say those near to Chirac, and rejects any connection with the Israel-Palestine question, which is not Washington’s concern,” writes Le Figaro. “France opposes Europe placing Hezbollah on the list of terrorist organisations, as is demanded by the United States and Israel.”

During the NATO summit in Brussels, President Chirac followed Gerhard Schröder’s lead in stressing the “development of European defence policy.” Although both heads of government signed the summit communiqué, which calls NATO the “most successful alliance in history,” this does not change the fact that they are moving forward to establish a European military capability independent of NATO structures.

In November 2004, European Union defence ministers agreed to establish 13 rapid-reaction combat groups. Each will comprise some 1,500 to 2,000 soldiers and can be deployed within five to ten days. They should be in place by 2007. These units will give the EU a well-armed, highly mobile intervention force. They are to provide the military muscle of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP).

Ordinary people reacted quite differently than the political elite to Bush’s visit. They were concerned not with various imperialist interests but with a fundamental rejection of war and militarism. Broad layers of the population regard Bush as a figure of hate, to an extent seen with no other politician since the 1930s. The bizarre security precautions during his visit were regarded not merely as an annoyance, but as an outright provocation. “If he doesn’t trust anyone, he should stay at home or conduct his talks on a warship,” said one pensioner in Mainz, giving voice to a widespread sentiment.

Any contact between Bush and ordinary people was excluded. Everything was artificially staged. One journalist reported how US security experts had searched in vain for people who could appear at a certain location at a particular time and wave as Bush passed by. However, they could not find anybody prepared to do this. Members of an American TV crew had a similar experience when they went to a shopping mall and tried to find people who had a good word to say about Bush. Seldom has a politician made himself so unpopular in so short a time.



To: Elmer Flugum who wrote (7155)2/27/2005 6:26:00 PM
From: Crimson Ghost  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 22250
 
Even Bush too moderate for some Zionist fanatics:

'Anti-Islamist' Crusader Plants New Seeds

by Jim Lobe

        

Despite the apparent decision by President George W. Bush against re-nominating him to the board of the United States Institute of Peace (USIP), "anti-Islamist" activist Daniel Pipes is working as diligently as ever to protect the United States and the Western world from the influence of radical Islamists.

He has proposed the creation of a new Anti-Islamist Institute (AII) designed to expose legal "political activities" of "Islamists," such as "prohibiting families from sending pork or pork byproducts to U.S. soldiers serving in Iraq," which nonetheless, in his view, serve the interests of radical Islam.

"In the long term...the legal activities of Islamists pose as much or even a greater set of challenges than the illegal ones," according to the draft of a grant proposal by Pipes' Middle East Forum (MEF) obtained by IPS.

Pipes is also working with Stephen Schwartz on a new Center for Islamic Pluralism (CIP) whose aims are to "promote moderate Islam in the U.S. and globally" and "to oppose the influence of militant Islam, and, in particular, the Saudi-funded Wahhabi sect of Islam, among American Muslims, in the America media, in American education … and with U.S. governmental bodies."

Schwartz, a former Trotskyite militant who became a Sufi Muslim in 1997, has received seed money from MEF, which is also accepting contributions on CIP's behalf until the government gives it tax-exempt legal status, according to another grant proposal obtained by IPS.

The CIP proposal, which says it expects to receive funding from contributors in the "American Shia community" and in "Sunni mosques once liberated from Wahhabi influence," also boasts "strong links" with Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz and other notable neoconservatives, such as former Central Intelligence (CIA) director James Woolsey and the vice president for foreign policy programming at the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), Danielle Pletka, as well as with Pipes himself.

Pipes, who created MEF in Philadelphia in 1994, has long campaigned against "radical" Islamists in the United States, especially the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) and several other national Islamic groups.

Long before the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks on New York and the Pentagon, he also raised alarms about the immigration of foreign Muslims, suggesting that they constituted a serious threat to the political clout of U.S. Jews, as well as a potential "fifth column" for radical Islamists.

In addition, Pipes has been a fierce opponent of Palestinian nationalism. He told Australian television earlier this month, for example, that Israeli Prime Minister's Gaza disengagement plan and his agreement to negotiate with the new Palestinian president, Mahmoud Abbas, were a "mistake" because 80 percent of the Palestinian population, including Abbas, still favor Israel's destruction.

In 2002, Pipes launched Campus Watch, a group dedicated to monitoring and exposing alleged anti-Semitic, anti-Israel, pro-Palestinian, and/or Islamist bias in teachers of Middle Eastern studies at U.S. colleges and universities.

The group, which invites students to report on offending professors, has been assailed as a McCarthyite tactic to stifle open discussion of Middle East issues.

Pipes' nomination by Bush in 2003 to serve as a director on the board of the quasi-governmental USIP, a government-funded think tank set up in 1984 to "promote the prevention, management, and peaceful resolution of international conflicts," moved the controversy over his work from academia into the U.S. Senate where such appointments are virtually always approved without controversy.

Pipes' nomination, however, offered a striking exception. Backed by major Muslim, Arab-American, and several academic groups, Democratic senators, led by Edward Kennedy, Christopher Dodd, and Tom Harkin, strongly opposed the nomination as inappropriate, particularly in light of some of his past writings, including one asserting that that Muslim immigrants were "brown-skinned peoples cooking strange foods and not exactly maintaining Germanic standards of hygiene."

Several Republican senators subsequently warned Bush that they would oppose the nomination if it came to a vote, and, in the end, the president made a "recess appointment" that gave him a limited term lasting only until the end of 2004. It appears now that, despite the enhanced Republican majority in the Senate, Bush does not intend to re-nominate him.

Indeed, both the USIP and Bush now probably regret having nominated him in the first place. During his board tenure, Pipes blasted USIP for hosting a conference with the Center for the Study of Islam and Democracy, charging that it employed Muslim "radicals" on its staff.

That accusation was publicly refuted by the USIP itself, which echoed the complaints of his longtime critics, accusing him of relying on "quotes taken out of context, guilt by association, errors of fact, and innuendo."

Pipes also criticized Bush for "legitimizing" various "Islamist" groups, such as CAIR and the Arab-American Institute, by permitting their representatives to take part in White House and other government ceremonies and for failing to identify "radical Islam" as "the enemy" in the war on terror.

His own disillusionment with Bush is made clear in the AII draft which notes that "creative thinking in this war of ideas must be initiated outside the government, for the latter, due to the demands of political correctness, is not in a position to say what needs to be said."

AII's goal, it goes on, "is the delegitimation of the Islamists. We seek to have them shunned by the government, the media, the churches, the academy and the corporate world."

Pipes' complementary goal – to enhance the influence of "moderate" Muslims – is to guide the work of Schwartz's CIP which is to "headed by one born Muslim (its President) and a 'new Muslim', i.e. an American not born in the faith, as its Executive Director. This is the best combination for leading such an effort."

The "extremists," according to the CIP proposal, are mainly represented by the "Wahhabi lobby," an array of organizations consisting of CAIR, the Islamic Society of North America (ISNA), the North American Islamic Trust (NAIT), the Muslim Students' Association of the U.S. and Canada (MSA), the Muslim Public Affairs Council (MPAC), as well as "secular" groups, including the Arab-American Institute (AAI) and the American Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee (ADC).

"The first goal of CIP will be the removal of CAIR and ISNA from monopoly status in representing Muslims to the American public," the proposal goes on. "[S]o long as they retain a major foothold at the highest political level, no progress can be made for moderate American Islam."

In achieving its goal, CIP cites the help it can expect from its "strong links" to Wolfowitz, Woolsey, and Pletka; as well as Senators Charles Schumer and Sen. Jon Kyl, among others, "terrorism experts" Steven Emerson of the Investigative Project, Paul Marshall of Freedom House, and Glen Howard of the Jamestown Foundation; and journalists such as Fox News anchors David Asman, Brit Hume, and Greta van Susteren, Dale Hurd of the Christian Broadcasting Network; and editors at the New York Post, the Los Angeles Times, and the Toronto Globe and Mail.

Interviewed by phone, Professor Kemal Silay, "president-designate" of the CIP who teaches Ottoman and Modern Turkish Studies at Indiana University, told IPS he was not aware that he was to be group's president, but that he had talked about the group with Schwartz and agrees with both Pipes and Schwartz about the dangers posed by Wahhabi groups in the U.S. and the world.

Ali al-Ahmed, director of the Washington-based Saudi Institute and named as CIP's research director in the grant proposal, told IPS he had also talked with Schwartz about the group and strongly supported its goals, although he thought several of the groups listed as part of the Wahhabi lobby were more independent.

He also said that he did not know that Pipes was involved with the group.

"[Pipes] sees all Arabs and Muslims the same, because he has interest in the security of the state of Israel," said al-Ahmed, who publicizes human rights abuses committed in Saudi Arabia.

Schwartz refused to speak with IPS.

February 26, 2005

Jim Lobe is Inter Press Service's correspondent in Washington, DC.