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Politics : Don't Blame Me, I Voted For Kerry -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Orcastraiter who wrote (58403)2/28/2005 11:26:01 PM
From: lorneRespond to of 81568
 
Orca. You asked...."What are they telling their children and why? How do you know this? Why is it when I meet people from muslim countries they are kind and gracious?".....

There is a lot of information available on that subject here is just a bit.

October 7, 2004: Senator Joseph Biden (D - Delaware,) the ranking Democrat on the U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, discusses Saudi Arabia with host Carol Marin.

Carol Marin: Senator Biden thank you for joining us on WIDE ANGLE.

Joseph Biden: Happy to be with you.

Carol Marin: Is the situation so dire that the administration of Saudi Arabia, the monarchy, is likely to be destabilized, is likely to be overthrown?

Joseph Biden: Let me say what I mean. The question is how urgent. It is dire in the sense that there's no underpinning, there's no legitimacy, to this royal families continued political domination. They made a Faustian bargain with the religious organization who are made up of extremely conservative Sunnis, referred to as Wahhabis, who have had as their habit and continue to have as their habit exporting extremism in the Madrasas, the schools they build all around the world, and in the way in which they educate the Saudi youth. And the way they keep any notion of modernity -- as it relates to spreading to the population at large -- at bay. And so it is an incendiary bomb that is likely to explode. Whether it occurs in a year, in a month, ten years, I don't know. But I would be dumbfounded -- if my granddaughter, who is now ten years old -- when she is thirty five years old and a professor at some university -- whether or not the royal family is still in charge.

Carol Marin: In the category of the disaffected, the large category of the disaffected, there seem to be two groups: those who are looking for reform and those who are looking for jihad. Which do we address first?

Joseph Biden: I think we address them simultaneously. Here's the way I look at it. If you think about what happens in all societies where any dissent is totally suppressed, they will find the only outlet available to them. And the only outlet available is the mosque. It's the only institution in all of Saudi Arabia where there is not a limit or a governor on what is said. And so when the only outlet for you, for your disaffection, is the mosque that is in this case radical in its attitudes -- then that is the diet you are going to be fed on. And you're likely to ingest it because of your anger, your frustration and your alienation. There are educated people in Saudi Arabia, usually educated abroad, who are part of the reform movement in Saudi Arabia. But to the extent that they talk about constitutional monarchy they get locked up. To the extent they talk about any other outlet, any other political dissent, they get locked up. And so in that environment what happens is the Ulema, the religious leadership, dominates. And so if you took all of the shackles off and then for example had an election tomorrow, you would elect, in my view, an extremely radical, nihilistic leadership in Saudi Arabia. And I know that sounds like I'm being extreme but almost every expert I speak to agrees with me that that would be the outcome.

Carol Marin: Saudis, we talk to protest and say look there's really a difference between religious fundamentalism and a terrorist-kind of mindset. And you Americans, you confuse that.

Joseph Biden: Shows me when they build all these 7,000 Madrasas on the Pakistani-Afghani border and teach 'kill Americans' in those Madrasas. That is the litany where you don't learn to read or to write and add and subtract. What you learn is rote and what you learn is an extreme version of the threat posed to your religion by the rest of the world. I mean go into any of these Madrasas -- I wish we could get one of the cameras into one of these Madrasas.

Carol Marin: Where, of course, our camera was not.

Joseph Biden: Right. No, it's not. And I'm not being critical I mean that's not going be the case. So it's not coincidental that most of the hijackers and bombers were Saudi citizens. Look, I mean it is a little bit like if the only drum beat you get is sort of an extreme version of being oppressed -- with the rest of the world as your enemy. It's not surprising you generate these aberrations. I'm not saying everyone who's a Wahhabi is someone who's going to get in a plane, hijack it, and smash it into a building. But I am saying the environment in which that education takes place and the denial of É look there's vast unemployment in Saudi Arabia. You've referenced it in your piece. Now why is that? That's a very wealthy country. Why are they importing six million workers? Not just to shine your shoes when you go into the hotels but to run the oil fields. Isn't that kind of strange? Because they don't have a qualified education system those folks who are unemployed are not running Aramco. They're not running the oil wells. They're not running the system. They are not the mathematicians. They are not the scientists. They are not the chemists because their education system doesn't provide that.

Carol Marin: If Saudi Arabia is on the verge, or potentially able to implode; is it also equally able to explode in our direction?

Joseph Biden: It's already exploding in our direction. And that's why we have to get over this notion -- it's a little bit like having a gas station on the corner. You don't like the proprietor very much but he keeps pumping the gas. And now you find out in the backroom they're cutting heroin and cocaine and they're distributing it to all the drug dealers in the region. Obviously that gas station now becomes your problem. It gives you gas but it's a problem. Saudi Arabia is becoming our problem as well as our ally.

Carol Marin: What's our solution?

Joseph Biden: Our solution is to put pressure on the Saudis. Not for radical transformation but a beginning of a gradual transformation of democratization and opening up. For example we should say to them, not only control the wealthy folks who register to build Madrasas in other countries, and don't build them independently; give it to the government of Pakistan. Give it to the government of Kurdistan. Let them decide how they're going to use that money to build. We should be saying to them set up an education system where you actually teach people higher mathematics. You actually teach people language. You actually teach people reading and writing at a level that they're going to be able to have the good jobs. We should say to them you have to stop having the state owned papers spew out this anti-Semitism. You've got to have the state owned papers stop spewing out this absolute garbage that you allow and you think you're buying off in this Faustian bargain you've made with the Wahhabis.

Carol Marin: Well in this bargain we must feel we're getting something that we need.

Joseph Biden: Well, I don't feel we're getting something anymore. And I realize I'm an odd man out. Five years ago I started saying this. Oh no, no, no don't offend our Saudi friends. And then along comes George and whoa, whoa, this is the family don't do that. We've got to get them all out of the country immediately afterÉ. I mean this is crazy. Look the rest of the Middle East -- remember why Bin Laden decided to look at us. Bin Laden didn't start off al Qaeda to take down the United States. It was to take down the royal family. And then what happened? We had a Gulf War. The royal family said, and we concluded, that we should put the Prince Sultan Base in here. We should base Americans there. And then we became viewed as the sole barrier between the radicals and the royal family. And keeping the royal family in power, now we're viewed as their protectors. We're the reason why this oligarchy exists. We're the reason why there's no democratization. That's how it's viewed in the Middle East. We're doing the same thing to a much lesser extent in Egypt. Hosni Mubarak's an old and personal friend. There is no reform taking place. We should be saying at least allow local elections. We're not asking you to give up power. We're not asking you to step down that's a process but at least have municipal elections.

There are 4 more pages of interview here>>>>
pbs.org



To: Orcastraiter who wrote (58403)2/28/2005 11:28:56 PM
From: lorneRead Replies (2) | Respond to of 81568
 
Orca..."What are they telling their children and why? How do you know this? Why is it when I meet people from muslim countries they are kind and gracious?"....

And a bit more info.

Madrasas provide free religious education, boarding and lodging and are essentially schools for the poor. About a third of all children in Pakistan in education attend madrasas. These seminaries run on public philanthropy and produce indoctrinated clergymen of various Muslim sects. Some sections of the more orthodox Muslim sects have been radicalised by state sponsored exposure to jihad, first in Afghanistan, then in Kashmir. However, the madrasa problem goes beyond militancy. Over a million and a half students at more than 10,000 seminaries are being trained, in theory, for service in the religious sector. But their constrained worldview, lack of modern civic education and poverty make them a destabilising factor in Pakistani society. For all these reasons, they are also susceptible to romantic notions of sectarian and international jihads, which promise instant salvation.
crisisweb.org

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In January 2002, Musharraf gave a televised speech promising to combat extremism. One aim was to bring all of Pakistan's madrasas, or Islamic schools, into the mainstream. Many now cultivate radical thinking and act as recruiting and indoctrination centers for jihadi terrorists.
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Declaring that no institutions in Pakistan would be above the law, Musharraf's government promised that it would register all madrasas to obtain a clear idea of which groups were running which schools, insist that all madrasas adopt a government curriculum by the end of 2002, and stop madrasas and mosques from being used as centers for the spread of politically and religiously inflammatory statements and publications.
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Two years later, no presidential ordinance to regulate madrasas has been promulgated, and the government openly assures the clergy that it will not interfere in madrasas' internal affairs. Most madrasas in Pakistan remain unregistered.
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The Pakistan Madrasa Education Board, established in August 2001 to oversee the schools, has so far only distributed questionnaires to obtain voluntary information. It lacks the authority to enforce registration. With such a limited mandate, it is more a cosmetic measure to address international concern about Pakistan's religious schools than a mechanism to regulate their functioning.
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No national curriculum has been developed for the madrasas. The board has set up three “model madrasas” teaching government-approved versions of the standard madrasa course along with subjects like mathematics, general science, computers and English. But together these three schools have only about 300 students, while as many as 1.5 million students attend unregulated madrasas.
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Most important, Musharraf has yet to curb the abuse of madrasas and mosques by religious extremists. During the 2002 national elections, the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal, or MMA, an umbrella group of six religious parties, used these institutions for its anti-American and pro-Taliban campaign. Some mullahs, including leaders of political parties that Musharraf has banned, continue to use them to propagate an extremist Islamic agenda.
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Musharraf's failure to rein in the madrasas is just one part of his failure to scale back jihadi culture generally. The government has done very little to implement tougher controls on financing of madrasas and extremist groups despite obligations under United Nations Security Council Resolution 1373. It even removed the issue of terrorism funding from draft regulations on money laundering.
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There is also no evidence of any focused and systematic campaign against homegrown extremists. The government has, it is true, apprehended foreigners with links to Al Qaeda and turned them over to U.S. authorities, but Al Qaeda was only officially banned in Pakistan in March 2003. In his time in power, Musharraf has concentrated hardest on legitimizing and consolidating his military-backed rule. The government has been hesitant to take any step against the religious right because it has needed the MMA's support in Parliament for measures supporting its rule.
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But the price Pakistan pays for this dependence on the religious extreme is rising extremist power and sectarian violence at home, including the assassination attempts against the president himself in December. Should Musharraf fail, once again, to do what must be done to eliminate hatred, sectarianism and terrorism in Pakistan, his policies will make his country and the world more dangerous.
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The writer is South Asia project director for the International Crisis Group, an organization that works to prevent and resolve conflicts. ISLAMABAD Addressing a joint session of the Pakistan Parliament this month, President Pervez Musharraf appealed to the Pakistani people to “wage a jihad against extremism" and said his government “would ensure that those individuals or groups involved in sectarianism and terrorism are completely eradicated from Pakistan."
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A few days earlier, Musharraf had promised Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee of India that he would tackle extremism and indicated that he would negotiate flexibly on Kashmir. These are encouraging promises, but a look at the record of the past two years gives reason to wonder whether Musharraf will keep them.
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In January 2002, Musharraf gave a televised speech promising to combat extremism. One aim was to bring all of Pakistan's madrasas, or Islamic schools, into the mainstream. Many now cultivate radical thinking and act as recruiting and indoctrination centers for jihadi terrorists.
.
Declaring that no institutions in Pakistan would be above the law, Musharraf's government promised that it would register all madrasas to obtain a clear idea of which groups were running which schools, insist that all madrasas adopt a government curriculum by the end of 2002, and stop madrasas and mosques from being used as centers for the spread of politically and religiously inflammatory statements and publications.
.
Two years later, no presidential ordinance to regulate madrasas has been promulgated, and the government openly assures the clergy that it will not interfere in madrasas' internal affairs. Most madrasas in Pakistan remain unregistered.

Full article >>>
iht.com