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Strategies & Market Trends : Mish's Global Economic Trend Analysis -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: CalculatedRisk who wrote (25043)3/7/2005 10:12:10 AM
From: RealMuLan  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 116555
 
>>Is China to blame for higher gas prices? Of course not. They have the same right to oil as any other consumer. But the increased demand in the US and China has most likely caused (without blame) the increase in prices.<<

I do not have the data now, isn't this the case for almost every single nation/region in the world?

And even if now, as much as China has become a manufacturing workshop of the world, China's oil consumption still is only about 6% of the world.

And now to mention, China is the one who are making greatest effort to develop renewable energy resources. I don't see similar efforts are being made in the US or EU, or Japan. They are more to blame for the high price than China if someone wants to find scapegoat.

Last but not the least, China is the one who suffered the most from the high oil price, not the US or EU, or Japan.



To: CalculatedRisk who wrote (25043)3/7/2005 11:01:04 AM
From: mishedlo  Respond to of 116555
 
Global: From Jobless to Wageless
Stephen Roach (New York)

Fully 39 months since the last recession ended in November 2001 and the American job machine finally seems to be back in gear. Hiring gains are still not spectacular when judged against earlier cycles, but as underscored by the 262,000 gain in nonfarm business payrolls in February, they have certainly been on the upswing over the past year. Unfortunately, the quality of hiring remains decidedly subpar -- dominated by those toiling at the low end of the pay spectrum. Moreover, an even bigger hole remains in the US labor market: Despite generally sharp increases in productivity since 1995, there has been no discernible pick-up in real wages. The character of America’s recovery has shifted from jobless to wageless -- with profound implications for both the economy and financial markets.

In the 12 months ending February 2005, US businesses added nearly 2.2 million workers to private nonfarm payrolls -- an average of 181,000 per month. Such vigor on the hiring front was last seen in the year of the Great Bubble -- specifically, back in September 2000, when the 12-month gain in private nonfarm payrolls was running at a 2.3 million clip. While recent job gains have been impressive, they have not exactly been concentrated in the cream of the occupational hierarchy. Industries leading the pack on the hiring front over the past year include (in descending order): administrative (temp-dominated) and waste services (385,000), health care and social assistance (332,000), construction and real estate (321,000), and restaurants (257,000). Collectively, these four industry groupings, which employed 36% of all US workers on private nonfarm payrolls a year ago, accounted for fully 60% of the total growth in private hiring over the most recent 12-month period. Apart from the obvious impact of the housing bubble on relatively high-wage employment in real-estate-related activity, the industry mix of the hiring dynamic remains skewed toward the lower end of the US pay structure.

That takes us to the missing link in the long and arduous healing of the US labor market -- the lack of any meaningful growth in real wages. Despite all the fanfare over jobs, the February labor market survey underscored an extraordinary development on the real wage front -- average hourly earnings were unchanged in current dollars for the month and up a mere 2.5% over the past 12 months. The annual increase in nominal wages falls short of the rise in the headline CPI (3.0%) and only fractionally exceeds the core inflation rate (2.3%). On an inflation-adjusted basis, average hourly earnings are no higher today than levels prevailing at the trough of the last recession in November 2001.

To be sure, the average hourly earnings sample is not the most accurate of the wage statistics in the US. The prize, in this case, has long gone to the more broadly based Employment Cost Index (ECI) tabulated by the Bureau of Labor Statistics. But the ECI is a quarterly series and is only available with a lag; the monthly labor market statistics are timelier and often provide a good hint of what to expect from the ECI. And it turns out that both measures are basically telling the same story today. For workers in private industry, ECI-based wages and salaries were up only 2.4% in the 12 months ending December 2004 -- virtually identical to gains in average hourly earnings and 0.6% below the headline inflation rate. Moreover, the ECI points to a striking deceleration of wage inflation over the past year, with the current pace of 2.4% representing a marked slowing from the 3.0% pace in the prior 12-month period ending December 2003. Consequently, no matter how you cut it -- the ECI or more the more timely monthly data -- real wage stagnation is an undeniable feature of this economic recovery.

This development stands in sharp contrast with real wage patterns in earlier periods. This can best be seen by looking at cyclical patterns in average hourly earnings, a series that has a longer history than the ECI. In contrast with the real wage stagnation 39 months into the current recovery, real wages have normally risen 1-2% by this point in the past four business cycles. While that doesn’t sound like a huge bonanza for the American worker, it underscores one of the time-honored axioms of economics: Over the broad sweep of time, real wages are closely aligned with underlying productivity growth. Ironically, there was a tighter linkage in past cycles, when US productivity growth was running at only a 1.6% average pace over the 1970-95 period, than there has been in the current cycle, when productivity trends have accelerated to a more robust 3.1% annual pace in the post-1995 period. Obviously, something very unusual has gone on in the current cycle -- first a jobless recovery of record proportions and now an unprecedented degree of real wage stagnation.

The most likely explanation, in my view, is a new strain of globalization. The global labor arbitrage has a rich and long history, but for some time I have argued that it has entered an entirely different realm in the Internet age (see my 5 October 2003 essay, “The Global Labor Arbitrage”). Courtesy of e-based connectivity, both tradable goods and an increasingly broad array of once non-tradable services can now be sourced anywhere around the world. That has turned low-labor-cost platforms in places such as China (goods) and India (services) into both wage- and price-setters at the margin. During the early stages of the current recovery, I argued these offshore employment options played an important role in crimping domestic hiring. Now, I suspect these same forces are having an important impact on the US real wage cycle. Put yourself in the position of an American corporate decision maker: Why pay up for a software programmer at home when you can get the same functionality at a fraction of the cost from Bangalore?

Interestingly enough, a detailed breakdown of recent wage trends, as seen through the lens of the ECI, suggests that the recent intensification of downward real wage pressures has been concentrated in the white-collar services segment of the US workforce. Over the 12 months ending December 2004, wage increases for white-collar workers slowed to just 2.5% -- down sharply from the 3.4% increase in the 12 months ending December 2003. Similarly, wage gains in the services sector slowed to 2.4% by year-end 2004 versus a 3.3% gain in the prior 12-month period. By contrast, wage inflation in goods-producing industries and amongst blue-collar occupations has held relatively steady at around 2.4% over the past two years.

I don’t think it’s a coincidence that wage pressures have now intensified in precisely that segment of the US economy where an e-based labor arbitrage is coming into play for the first time ever. Long shielded from global competition, it’s an entirely new game for once sacrosanct services companies. Put that together with ever-expanding trade in manufactured products, and a case can be made for a fundamental shock to operating conditions of US businesses: A lingering lack of pricing leverage in most products and services keeps cost-cutting uppermost in the minds of corporate decision makers. A new globalization of the US wage-setting mechanism could well become an integral part of such cost-cutting strategies -- suggesting that real wage stagnation could endure for the foreseeable future.

If that’s the case, there are profound implications for the macro climate. For starters, real wage stagnation keeps American consumers under considerable pressure. Over the first 38 months of this recovery, the wage and salary component of personal income has risen just 5% in real terms -- far below the 14% average gain over comparable periods of the previous five cycles. This dramatic shortfall of real labor income is an outgrowth of both subpar hiring and real wage stagnation. The recent pick-up in hiring is only of limited consequences if real wages don’t rise. It’s largely for that reason labor income has remained under pressure. Such an outcome leaves hard-pressed consumers with little choice other than to keep relying on asset-based spending strategies and going further into debt to fund such tactics. As a result, real wage stagnation is a recipe for persistently low income-based personal saving.

For financial markets, the impacts of real wage stagnation are equally profound. The good news is that real wage stagnation limits labor cost and inflationary pressures -- helping to boost profit margins and constrain any back-up in long-term US interest rates. The bad news is that the resulting shortfall of labor income keeps pressure on the US current account deficit as the principal means to compensate for a shortfall in domestic saving. That ups the ante of America’s imbalances -- putting downward pressure on the dollar and upward pressure on US real interest rates. Persistent real wage stagnation also puts pressure on the political arena, as hard-pressed workers are likely to demand increasingly protectionist “remedies” from their elected representatives; such an outcome would also put the dollar and real interest rates under pressure. My best guess is that prospective trends in long-term interest rates ultimately will be more influenced by the bearish considerations of the current account adjustment and trade frictions rather than by the bullish implications of well-contained inflation. From, time to time, however -- especially during periodic growth scares -- market sentiment could temporarily push bond yields to the downside.

For America, this recovery has been unlike anything ever experienced in the annals of the modern-day, post-World War II era. Record twin deficits and surging debt underscore the heightened vulnerabilities of a saving-short US economy. The need to normalize real interest rates raises warning flags for the immediate future. A new and exceedingly powerful strain of e-based globalization rewrites the sourcing equation as never before. Despite these extraordinary pressures, the hope all along has been that the sustenance of growth would shift away from the artificial support of policy stimulus and asset appreciation back to the organic support of labor income generation. But as the character of America’s recovery now morphs from jobless to wageless, the likelihood of such a “handover” looks exceedingly dubious. That raises serious questions about the hopes and dreams in financial markets of a benign rebalancing of the US and the US-centric global economy.

morganstanley.com



To: CalculatedRisk who wrote (25043)3/7/2005 11:19:43 AM
From: mishedlo  Respond to of 116555
 
Asia/Pacific: The Liquidity Conundrum
Andy Xie (Hong Kong)
morganstanley.com

Rapidly rising forex reserves in Asia, low real interest rates everywhere, declining credit spreads and market volatilities suggest amply liquidity in the global economy. However, monetary statistics in major global economies have been turning down for some time.

There are two possible explanations for the paradox. First, commodity-driven inflation is scaring investors out of money into higher risk assets. Hence, liquidity for asset markets could be rising despite a weakening money supply. Second, despite recent deceleration, the levels of monetary aggregates are still high for the current asset prices. Both are probably relevant.

The rising appetite for risk in the global financial system is sustaining strong growth in emerging economies, which fuels commodity inflation. The latter further fans risk appetite in the developed economies through sustaining low real interest rates. As commodity inflation and risk appetite fuel each other, the global financial system sits precariously on overvalued assets. A shock would likely cause a global financial crisis.

Globalization has altered how the global economy works. The globalization of supply has integrated labor surplus in low-cost economies into the global economy. The neutral monetary policy should target lower inflation levels than before. Because monetary authorities have not considered this fact, they have oversupplied liquidity and created the massive global bubble.

It may be too late to prevent a global hard landing. The global economy is amidst the biggest bubble in history with the most froth in big city properties (e.g., New York, London and Shanghai), in my view. It is likely to end with debt deflation. The economies that have most enjoyed this bubble will likely also suffer most.

The Liquidity Conundrum

Money supplies in big developed economies, mainly the US and, to a lesser extent, Euro-zone and Japan, set the tone for liquidity conditions in emerging market economies. There are ample signs of strong global liquidity. Credit spreads and market volatilities have been setting multi-decade lows around the world. Real interest rates are still low everywhere. Property speculation – the best indicator of ample liquidity – is pervasive around the world. In 2004, Asia ex-Japan saw forex reserves up by $369 billion (or 10% of GDP), the biggest increase in history, even higher than the $310 billion increase in 2003. Asian exports, another good indicator of liquidity, have remained quite strong despite 30 months of an above 20% YoY growth rate – a historical record.

On the other hand, the traditional liquidity indicators in the three big economies have been turning down. US money with zero maturity grew by 3.8% last year compared to 7.3% in 2003, Euro-zone’s M1 slowed to 9.3% from 10.7% in 2003, and Japan’s M1 slowed to 4.0% from 7.6%. The marginal changes in the main liquidity suppliers in the world were negative throughout 2004.

Liquidity Levels May Still Be Too High

The levels of money supplies are still extraordinarily high in major global economies. US money with zero maturity declined from the peak of 57.2% in 2002 to 55.5% of GDP last year but is still much higher than the average of 38.2% during 1974-97. Euro-zone M1 reached 38% of GDP compared to an average of 24.5% during 1991-97. Japan’s M1 surged to 73.5% of GDP in 2004 from an average of 27.7% during 1980-97.

The year 1997 was a turning point in the global liquidity condition. The Asian Financial Crisis was a massive deflationary shock to the global economy. As China pushed investment to keep growth up in response to the crisis, the deflationary shock continued with its excess capacity formation. This deflationary pressure allowed the major global economies to keep liquidity levels high without encountering inflationary pressure.

The liquidity buildup in the three major economies (mainly in the US) sparked a property price bubble in Anglo-Saxon economies that has supported strong consumption. That consumption boom has triggered a massive export boom in China. Its boom has attracted massive inflow of hot money, which has created a huge quantity and price bubble in its property market. China’s property bubble has led to strong demand for raw materials that have reflated emerging economies in general. This is essentially the global boom that we are seeing today.

We do not know how long it takes asset markets to fully reach equilibrium with the higher liquidity levels. Thus, even though the marginal changes in liquidity levels may be negative, they still could exert a positive pull on asset markets.

Money Illusion Drives Risk Appetite

Negative real interest rates are increasing risk appetite everywhere. Pension funds, insurance companies, and wealthy individuals are more willing to buy high-risk assets than before. The biggest growth areas in the global financial system are in selling derivative products to hedge funds and private banking customers to chase yield.

The perception of negative real interest rates is a form of money illusion, in my view. Commodities drive inflation at present. Unless the commodity-led inflation triggers a wage-price spiral, the inflation is not sustainable. Globalization has created a global platform in the supply of goods and, increasingly, in services. There is still a massive labor surplus in either unskilled or educated labor in the global labor market. Any push for higher wages in developed economies would push global companies to shift more production to low-cost economies like China or India. Therefore, the current bout of negative real interest rates would not last.

The enhanced risk appetite, however, has decreased the cost of capital for businesses and economies that were starved of capital, and they have taken advantage of the cheaper capital to increase investment. This force continues to push up the prices of natural resources. The resulting inflation further increases risk appetite in the global financial system. As financial investors pile in, commodity prices rise substantially above what real demand would imply. This dynamic is leading to a big commodity bubble.

The End Is Debt Deflation

The global economy is experiencing the biggest bubble ever. The bubble began with the Asian Financial Crisis and went through the tech bubble, the property bubble and, finally, the China bubble. It has been one big and long bubble. The main reason is because the major central banks have been targeting inflation in a fundamentally deflationary environment, releasing too much liquidity into the global economy.
How is it going to end?

There are two obvious trends in this bubble: Anglo-Saxon consumers have been borrowing a lot against their rising property values to support consumption, and Chinese companies (actually, government-related entities) have been borrowing a lot to create production capacities. To mirror the surge in liquidity, the indebtedness of Anglo-Saxon consumers and Chinese investors has risen sharply. The current boom, therefore, is debt-funded. Debt levels can continue to rise as long as asset prices keep rising.

Whatever triggers the collapse, it will show up first in declining asset prices. Property is the likely candidate. Property prices in New York, London, and Shanghai could decline at the same time. When property prices begin to decline, it would cause the global economy to weaken. The weakening economy would decrease the cash-flow of property speculators who would have to sell to unwind. The unwinding would lead global asset prices to collapse in general.

The major central banks may try to ease aggressively to fight the unwinding spiral. However, it would be too late to revive money demand. Most speculators who are driving demand for money today would have been cut down already. The global economy is likely to experience a period of debt deflation.
===========================================================
Bingo

Key points:
1)Unless the commodity-led inflation triggers a wage-price spiral, the inflation is not sustainable. Globalization has created a global platform in the supply of goods and, increasingly, in services. There is still a massive labor surplus in either unskilled or educated labor in the global labor market. Any push for higher wages in developed economies would push global companies to shift more production to low-cost economies like China or India.

2)The enhanced risk appetite, however, has decreased the cost of capital for businesses and economies that were starved of capital, and they have taken advantage of the cheaper capital to increase investment. This force continues to push up the prices of natural resources. The resulting inflation further increases risk appetite in the global financial system. As financial investors pile in, commodity prices rise substantially above what real demand would imply. This dynamic is leading to a big commodity bubble.

3)The End Is Debt Deflation

4)The major central banks may try to ease aggressively to fight the unwinding spiral. However, it would be too late to revive money demand. Most speculators who are driving demand for money today would have been cut down already.



To: CalculatedRisk who wrote (25043)3/7/2005 11:29:39 AM
From: mishedlo  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 116555
 
Housing mania will end in tears
Fleck

Today's tales of rampant real-estate speculation sound just like what we heard at the peak of the tech bubble. And we all know what happened when that bubble burst.

moneycentral.msn.com