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Politics : Israel to U.S. : Now Deal with Syria and Iran -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?

To: Crimson Ghost who wrote (7978)	4/9/2005 8:50:07 AM
From: Ed Huang	Read Replies (3) \| Respond to of 22250

Thousands Protest on Baghdad Anniversary news.yahoo.com

To: Crimson Ghost who wrote (7978)	4/10/2005 3:43:18 PM
From: Emile Vidrine	Read Replies (2) \| Respond to of 22250

Criticize Israel? Why not? By Bruce S. Ticker Online Journal Contributing Writer Download a .pdf file for printing. Adobe Acrobat Reader required. Click here to download a free copy. "It is very important that the president, his administration, Congress and the American people appreciate the support of America's Jewish community for Sharon's plan."—Abraham Foxman of the ADL April 8, 2005—For the past year, Abraham Foxman has been pressing for a strong show of American Jewish support, in some form, of Israel's disengagement plan. He indicated in a recent news account in The Forward that such a demonstration of support could soon be forthcoming. Just about four and a half years late. The Israeli government has lacked real friends in the American Jewish community since the current conflict with the Palestinians began. A real friend tells the truth. American Jewish leaders have only told the Sharon administration what it wanted to hear and most Jews here have maintained an eerie silence. Even Morton Klein concedes that American Jews should voice criticism of Israeli policies, at least if they are policies which irk his right-wing following. The question is familiar: Should American Jews criticize or question Israeli policy? Or, with the current twists and turns of events in Israel, should American Jews support a delicate and controversial policy? The answer to all these questions is, of course, a resounding yes. First, Jews in America have a right to question, criticize and comment on any Israeli policy they want. The First Amendment says so. Jews who try to bully the rest of us into silence probably forget that we have freedom of speech because, in their zeal to support Israel, there is no First Amendment in Israel. In fact, the Knesset has been waiting for a committee to formulate a constitution . . . since 1951. The irony is that Israelis across the ideological spectrum exercise their non-existent First Amendment rights on Israel's policies. In the United States, the vast majority of Jews keep their mouths shut while a minority that purports to represent American Jewry does all the talking. Jews in America also provide Israel with diplomatic, financial and moral support, as do all Americans, and U.S. Jews feel a natural emotional attachment to Israel. A healthy debate among American Jews can only help Israel. Let the ideas rise or fall on their own merits. The Israeli government can evaluate the viewpoints of Jews in America and respond to their concerns. If Israel heeds some of this advice, the Jewish state could head off crises before they can build a head of steam. Top-down intimidation toward moderate and liberal Jews has existed for years. When I worked for a Jewish organization during the Lebanon war, a young woman told a group of employees, "Nobody has the right to criticize Israel unless they have been there." While an on-site inquiry always helps, she is yet another American Jew who must have missed her social studies class on the First Amendment. In his book "Jewish Power," J. J. Goldberg documented how supporters of right-wing Israeli policies cowed the more centrist Jews involved with Jewish organizations into submission during the last several years. Just a year ago, a Boston writer reported how a liberal rabbi refused to host a debate on the current conflict at a synagogue. Even though Jewish organizations in America have for long declined to criticize Israeli policies, right-wingers reassessed this practice when the Oslo agreement went into effect in 1993. They did their best to scuttle Oslo in the years that the Labor Party governed Israel. They sponsored talks all over the United States to pressure Israel to end the peace process. That's fine. They had a right to do that and perhaps beneath the rhetoric they had legitimate concerns. Trouble is, these are likely the same people who have blocked anti-Likud dissent. Some months ago, supporters and opponents of Israel's disengagement plan clashed at a meeting of the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations to reach a consensus on a position about the controversial policy. Some conference members credited Foxman, director of the Anti-Defamation League, with forcing a vote on the issue after he circulated a pro-disengagement petition. The conference never reached a consensus because of irreconcilable differences. The conference, which represents 52 far-ranging Jewish organizations, sent the Israeli government a letter reporting the split. Foxman and others complained, but the conference did all it could at that stage. It is just about inherently impossible for the conference to reach consensus on such a sensitive issue. That did not need to stop Foxman from organizing the groups which support disengagement to send the Israeli government a unified statement. Yet it did. To date, Jewish organizations have neglected to band together on such a venture. Now the forces of Foxman and Morton Klein appear headed on a collision course. Klein, who is national president of the Zionist Organization of America, told the Jewish weekly The Forward that American Jews are obligated to oppose Israeli policies they believe to be self-destructive and has launched a lobbying efforts against Israel's planned pullout from settlements in Gaza and the West Bank. To counteract efforts of the ZOA and likeminded groups, the Israeli government is courting organizations like Americans for Peace Now which had been at loggerheads with Prime Minister Ariel Sharon before he launched his disengagement plan. Any strong public conflict over Israeli policies will certainly mark a sea change and has the potential for getting ugly. Leaders for both sides might wish to think about touching base with one another for two purposes. First, they should check to determine if they have any common ground whatsoever and work together on it. Any common ground will likely be limited, but they can at least establish ground rules to keep the debate as civil as possible. There is no need to engage in personal attacks or be disruptive. They should both keep in mind that everyone involved is fully capable of seeking payback, so anyone who behaves inappropriately is vulnerable to harm. All of us want to help Israel. We just have different ideas on how to do that. We cannot accomplish anything by forming a circular firing squad. Bruce S. Ticker is publisher of CRISIS: ISRAEL.