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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Bilow who wrote (161661)5/10/2005 1:20:21 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
Our Loss Was Our Gain in Vietnam
_________________________________

By Robert Scheer
Columnist
The Los Angeles Times
May 3, 2005
latimes.com

Sometimes it is better to lose.

Thirty years after the last helicopter beat a hasty retreat from a Saigon rooftop, U.S. credit card companies American Express and MasterCard were boldly advertised in Vietnam over the weekend on parade floats marking what was once thought to be an ignominious American defeat. If then-President Ford had not possessed the courage and wisdom to order the end of the U.S. occupation of Vietnam, we probably would still be embroiled in combating a never-ending insurgency.

Instead, the United States is now the biggest marketplace for exports from Vietnam, which began abandoning a failed centralized economy two decades ago in favor of Chinese-style capitalist market reforms. In defeat, the U.S. was able to economically exploit Vietnam without spending U.S. dollars and lives on a hopeless occupation. As reported Saturday in the Los Angeles Times by David Lamb, the newspaper's former Hanoi bureau chief, the main message from Hanoi's still avowedly communist leaders is that their country guarantees a favorable business environment for foreign investors.

"Ironically, if you took away the still-ruling Communist Party and discounted the perilous decade after the war, the Vietnam of today is not much different from the country U.S. policymakers wanted to create in the 1960s," Lamb wrote. "It is a peaceful, stable presence in the Pacific Basin, with an army that has been whittled down to 484,000 troops. Its economy, a mix of Karl Marx and Adam Smith, has the highest growth rate in Southeast Asia. Private enterprise is flourishing, a middle class is growing, poverty rates are falling. The United States is a major trading partner, and Americans are welcomed with a warmth that belies the two countries' history."

So, if it turns out we can get along just fine with a communist Vietnam, why did we once upon a time try to bomb it "back to the Stone Age," in the words of U.S. Air Force Gen. Curtis LeMay?

The answer begins with the fact that the proponents of the Red Scare of the '50s and '60s grossly misunderstood the role of nationalism and self-determination in the ostensibly communist revolts that took power in Vietnam, China and elsewhere.

Rather than joining to squash the capitalist West, as the domino theory argued, these revolutionized countries most often battled one another. After our defeat by communist Vietnam, for example, Hanoi promptly diverted its troops to defend against an invasion from communist China. Now these historical rivals compete for shelf space in Costco and Wal-Mart. The exploitation of their cheap labor by gleeful Western investors is renewed proof of the viability of Marx's labor theory of value and the dominance of capital.

Where Marx was totally wrong, of course, was in the fantasy that the international solidarity of workers of the world would overwhelm nationalist and religious identity as the main engine of history. Oddly, whether out of fear or through demagoguery, generations of U.S. policymakers made this same error, terrifying voters with the specter of a communist movement with a timetable for the takeover of the world.

It never happened. In all communist countries, ideological purists who believed in such internationalist solidarity were overwhelmed by nationalists and pragmatists. This was the essence of dictator Josef Stalin's rejection of ideologue Leon Trotsky's notion of permanent global revolution. Stalin's occupation of Eastern Europe, agreed to by Franklin Roosevelt and Winston Churchill as a reward for the enormous Soviet role in defeating Adolf Hitler, was the exception. More common was how Soviet power was quickly challenged in Yugoslavia, where the communist leader Josip Broz Tito had led an indigenous movement against the Nazis.

There, as in every other instance of successful "communist" expansion, victory was due to home-grown movements more opposed than supported by self-centered Moscow. Stalin even initially supported Chiang Kai-shek over Mao Tse-tung, which was the beginning of the Sino-Soviet dispute.

So why didn't the U.S. recognize this pattern during the Cold War — particularly with regard to Vietnam — and back off? After all, nobody then or now could plausibly deny that Vietnamese revolutionary leader Ho Chi Minh was first and foremost a popular nationalist. As President Eisenhower wrote in his memoir, if free elections had been held across Vietnam after the defeat of the French, Ho would have won 80% of the vote.

Yet while Ike himself resisted committing significant forces to the conflict, his three immediate successors in the White House ignored his warning. Lyndon Johnson, who told his national security advisor, McGeorge Bundy, "I don't think it's worth fighting for," nonetheless sent half a million troops to do just that. The result? Three million Vietnamese and 58,000 Americans dead in a war without purpose.

Sound familiar?



To: Bilow who wrote (161661)5/12/2005 5:39:25 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
The Unreported Vietnam-Iraq Parallel

____________________________________

By Danny Schechter
Mediachannel.org
May 12, 2005

NEW YORK - There is a word missing in most of the coverage of Iraq. It's a ghost-laden word that conjures up distressing memories that Washington and most of our media prefer to keep in that proverbial “lock box,” hidden away in dusty archives and footage libraries.

The word is Vietnam.

Its absence was never more noticeable than in the coverage of the 30th anniversary of the Vietnam War, marked in Vietnam with celebrations, but largely ignored in America where CNN led with the story of a bride who went missing when she had second thoughts.

Is this denial or is it deliberate? Just this past month, the national Smithsonian Museum of American History installed a new patriotically correct permanent war-positive exhibition, “The Price of Freedom: Americans at War.”

If you want to know about the pain of the war official America wants you to forget, you have to head a few blocks south on the mall in Washington to the Vietnam Memorial with its nearly 60,000 names engraved in black marble. That's where you will see the tears of visitors every day and their lingering memories three decades later.

While American media outlets avoid any parallels—with pundits insisting that none exist—overseas some see what many of us don't or won't. A BBC story by Matt Frei reports, “Thirty years after the end of the war, Vietnam continues to divide and haunt America far more than the country that lost 50 times as many people.”

His is one of few Vietnam reports that references Iraq even though the Iraq connection is buried in the last paragraph, an association even the journalist seems uncomfortable with: “Iraq is far from becoming another Vietnam. But today the ghosts of the jungle are busy getting resurrected in the sands around Baghdad.”

What are those ghosts? And why do they deserve more than media burial in the jungles of Asia or the sands of Iraq?

Here are some of the largely ignored parallels:

1) Both wars were illegal acts of pre-emptive aggression unsanctioned by international law or world opinion. Earlier, U.S. interventions involved successive U.S. administrations. JFK’s CIA helped put Saddam in power; Reagan armed him to fight Iran. George Bush ‘41 led the first Gulf War against him. Clinton tightened sanctions. George Bush ‘43 invaded again. Five Administrations—Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, Nixon and Ford fought in Vietnam.

2) Both wars were launched with deception. In Iraq it was the now proven phony WMD threat and contrived Saddam-Osama connection. In Vietnam, it was the fabricated Gulf of Tonkin incident and the elections mandated by the Geneva agreement that were canceled by Washington in l956 when the U.S. feared Ho Chi Minh would win.

3) The government lied regularly in both wars. Back then, the lies were pronounced a “credibility gap”. Today, they are considered acceptable “information warfare”. In Saigon, military briefers conducted discredited “5 O’clock Follies” press conferences. In this war, the Pentagon spoon-fed info at a Hollywood style briefing center in Doha.

4) The U.S. press was initially an enthusiastic cheerleader in both wars. When Vietnam protest grew and the war seen as a lost cause, the media frame changed. In Iraq today most of the media is trapped in hotel rooms. Only one side is covered now whereas in Vietnam, there was more reporting occasionally from the other. In Vietnam, the accent was on progress and “turned corners”. The same is true in Iraq.

5) In both wars, prisoners were abused. In South Vietnam, thousands of captives were tortured in what were called “tiger cages.” Vietnamese POWs were often killed; In North Vietnam, some U.S. POWs were abused after bombing civilians. In Iraq, POWs on both sides were also mistreated. It was U.S. soldiers that first leaked major war crimes and abuses. In Vietnam, Ron Ridenour disclosed the My Lai Massacre. In Iraq, it was a soldier who first told investigators about the torture in Abu Ghraib prison. (Seymour Hersh the reporter who exposed My-Lai in Vietnam later exposed illegal abuses in Iraq.)

6) Illegal weapons were “deployed” in both wars. The U.S. dropped napalm, used cluster bombs against civilians and sprayed toxic Agent Orange in Vietnam. Cluster bombs and updated Mark 77 napalm-like firebombs were dropped on Iraqis. Depleted uranium was added to the arsenal of prohibited weapons in Iraq.

7) Both wars claimed to be about promoting democracy. Vietnam staged elections and saw a succession of governments controlled by the U.S. come and go. Iraq has had one election so far in which most voters say they were casting ballots primarily to get the U.S. to leave. The U.S. has stage-managed Iraq’s interim government. Exiles were brought back and put in power. Vietnam's Diem came from New Jersey, Iraq's Allawi from Britain.

8) Both wars claimed to be about noble international goals. Vietnam was pictured as a crusade against aggressive communism and falling dominos. Iraq was sold as a front in a global war on terrorism. Neither claim proved true.

9) An imperial drive for resource control and markets helped drive both interventions. Vietnam had rubber and manganese and rare minerals. Iraq has oil. In both wars, any economic agenda was officially denied and ignored by most media outlets.

10) Both wars took place in countries with cultures we never understood or spoke the language, both involved “insurgents” whose military prowess was underestimated and misrepresented. In Vietnam, we called the “enemy” communists; in Iraq we call them foreign terrorists. (Soldiers had their own terms, “gooks” in Vietnam, “ragheads” in Iraq) In both counties, they were in fact an indigenous resistance that enjoyed popular support. (Both targeted and brutalized people they considered collaborators with the invaders just as our own Revolution went after Americans who backed the British.) In both wars, as in all wars, innocent civilians died in droves.

11) In both countries the U.S. promised to help rebuild the damages caused by U.S. bombing. In Vietnam, a $2 Billion presidential reconstruction pledge was not honored. In Iraq, the electricity and other services are still out in many areas. In both wars U.S. companies and suppliers have profited handsomely; Brown & Root in Vietnam; Halliburton in Iraq, to cite but two.

12) In Vietnam, the Pentagon’s counter-insurgency effort failed to “pacify” the countryside even with a half a million U.S. soldiers “in country.” The insurgency in Iraq is growing despite the best efforts of U.S. soldiers. More have died since President Bush proclaimed “mission accomplished” than during the invasion.

The Vietnamese forced the U.S. into negotiations for the Paris Peace Agreement. When the agreement was continually violated, they brilliantly staged a final offensive that surprised and routed a superior million-man Saigon Army. Can the Iraqi resistance do the same?

The BBC is wondering too, reminding us, “As the casualties mounted so did the questions about how much a threat the Vietcong could really pose. Today another pre-emptive war against an enemy far from home has posed similar questions.”

As the insurgency in Iraq escalates and continues to seize the initiative with the capacity to attack where and when it wants, is it unthinkable to suspect that another April 30th campaign of the kind that “liberated” Saigon is possible in Baghdad?

We have already seen “the fall” of Baghdad. Can it “fall” again?

Of course not!

Repeat after me: We are winning!

Democracy is on the march.
_________________________________

News Dissector Danny Schechter, editor and "blogger in chief" of Mediachannel.org, reported from Vietnam in 1974 and 1997. His latest film, WMD (Weapons of Mass Deception), examines media coverage of the Iraq War.

Copyright 2004 - The Epoch Times

theepochtimes.com



To: Bilow who wrote (161661)5/12/2005 12:02:39 PM
From: TimF  Respond to of 281500
 
Thank you for the report (or at least a lengthy detailed quote from it). I've only read short quotes from it before.

Tim