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To: CalculatedRisk who wrote (21305)6/12/2005 2:33:27 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 362592
 
geode00 asks if BubbleBoyBush gets any dispatches from the front <G>...

Message 21409027



To: CalculatedRisk who wrote (21305)6/12/2005 2:37:47 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 362592
 
Critical Issues For Conyers To Explore At Next Week's DSM Hearing
________________________________________

Comment #98: Vyan said on 6/12/05 @ 12:22am ET...

Posted by Steve Soto on The Left Coaster

Critical Issues For Conyers To Explore At Next Week's DSM Hearing

As you can see from Eriposte’s fine piece below, even though the corporate conservative media has largely failed to cover the Downing Street Memo here in this country, the memo is finally getting the attention it deserves. The British media has been all over this story, to the point that Tony Blair will soon be sued by Military Families Against the War to demand an independent public inquiry into the background behind the decisions taken by Blair and Bush to take the two nations into war. Here in this country, several groups, spearheaded by AfterDowningStreet.org have focused on getting more congressional and media attention to the memo and what it portends, namely that Bush and Blair had plans in place in the Summer of 2002 to invade Iraq and topple Saddam Hussein regardless of what happened subsequently at the United Nations, which is contrary to what Bush told Congress and the American people.

The leading congressional Democrat who has taken up the charge to push the Downing Street Memo into public view has been Michigan Democratic congressman John Conyers, who with the support of the House Democratic leadership has scheduled a Democratic policy committee hearing for next Thursday, June 16 to take testimony and hear from witnesses on the issues of whether or not Bush planned to go to war anyway and whether or not the Bush Administration “fixed” the collection of intelligence to support a decision that had already been made in the Summer of 2002 to go to war, even if Saddam totally capitulated to Bush’s demands. Blog coordination work is being done by the BigBrassAlliance.

The White House, as might be expected, is brushing off the memo, and hiding behind Blair himself who is trying to downplay it without denying its authenticity. As usual with the White House and Bush, they will either say things like “conspiracy theories,” or “this has been answered and dealt with before”, or “numerous investigations have been done and have shown that ….” without ever directly answering the charges themselves. And the corporate conservative media lets it go at that. However, Conyers is going to force the media to pay attention to the memo by staging a news event that will package evidence for them, doing the work for a lazy and disinterested media.

The White House to date has dismissed one of the memo’s basic conclusions, that the intelligence was “fixed around the policy”, and Conyers can expect the same treatment in response next week. One way to make it more difficult for the White House to slither away this time would be for Conyers to not only focus on the intelligence, for which the administration holds many corrupted cards in its favor, but to build an argument of related events around and leading up to the period addressed by the memo to prove that in the context of other developments in the run up to the war, the memo’s contentions are quite plausible and invulnerable from White House challenge. Namely, if Conyers can build a strong argument that goes beyond the intelligence and deals with the issue of whether or not the decision had already been made to go to war, then the White House is in a more precarious position.

I’d like to suggest that Conyers focus on three issues and call these individuals as possible witnesses next week in his efforts to build a case that the decision had already been made in the summer of 2002. All three of these supporting arguments have already been covered here at the Left Coaster:

First and most damaging to me, as we first reported back in October 2003, why would the White House see a need to build a strategic information campaign using White House staff to manipulate media coverage in favor of a war months in advance of going to the UN, Congress, and the American people if the issue and decision had not already been made? Retired Air Force Colonel Sam Gardiner wrote a little-noticed but never disputed paper that outlined the steps the Bush Administration took to build what in essence was a strategic influence and disinformation campaign to manipulate the media and sway public opinion in favor of a war that Bush says he hadn’t yet decided upon. These efforts started with the creation of the Coalition Information Office by none other than Karen Hughes at about the same time the Downing Street Memo said that Bush had made up his mind. Colonel Gardiner feels that the organization was in fact put together at the time of the memo, and that the “marketing” of the war began in September when Congress returned from summer recess. Since his study came out, Colonel Gardiner has received confirmation from a number of sources including sources inside the Bush Administration that almost all of his initial conclusions were correct. Even though the whole study is chilling, pay particular attention to his material from Page 50 onward to see how the Downing Street Memo can be supported with Gardiner’s work. Perhaps Congressman Conyers can call Colonel Gardiner as a witness next week to lay out the involvement of the White House and outside GOP public relations firms in selling a war to the Congress and the American people through an intimidated and spoon-fed media, a campaign that actually commenced around the same time that the Downing Street Memo indicated a decision had already been made. And yes, I've talked with Gardiner today, and Colonel Gardiner is willing to share his information with Conyers.

Second, none other than Bob Woodward himself in his wet-kiss book “Bush at War” reported that Bush authorized Rumsfeld to move approximately $700 million from Afghanistan reconstruction to the establishment of a logistical infrastructure to support an Iraq invasion, without the required congressional notice and authority. When did this happen, as Woodward notes with a great deal of risk of legal problems for the White House? It happened in July 2002, at about the same time as the Downing Street Memo was written saying the decision had already been made by Bush, within a month of the Downing Street Memo. Perhaps Conyers can call Bob Woodward as a witness to testify about what he found in researching his book on this congressionally-unauthorized transfer of funds from Afghan reconstruction to Iraq war planning during the Summer of 2002.

And lastly, it has been reported that Bush dropped in on a White House meeting in Condi Rice’s office in March 2002, and blurted to the three startled US senators Rice was meeting with “Fuck Saddam, we’re going to take him out.” Perhaps Conyers can call the three senators as well as Michael Elliott and James Carney of Time Magazine to confirm what Bush said and did, three months before the Downing Street Memo said that a decision had already been made.

Again, the key for Conyers is not to get trapped into building his case primarily upon the fixed intelligence claim in the memo, but to build also a circumstantial case as well that supports the bigger claim that the decision had already been made by the White House to go to war in the Summer of 2002, despite what was being told to Congress and the American people.

Steve Soto

conyersblog.us



To: CalculatedRisk who wrote (21305)6/12/2005 3:26:51 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 362592
 
The hardscrabble roots of investigative journalism
____________________________________________

By Floyd J. McKay / guest columnist
The Seattle Times
Wednesday, June 08, 2005

Mark Felt's decision to reveal himself as "Deep Throat," the mysterious and knowing insider who helped The Washington Post uncover Watergate three decades ago, was a real boost to serious reporters, who seem to be under constant fire these days.

Had Felt taken his secret to the grave — Post reporters Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein promised they would protect him while he lived — there would always be some who would maintain that there was no anonymous inside source. Now we know that he was what "Woodstein" said he was, a top-level source in a position to know.

Watergate initiated a wave of eager young men and women wanting to be famous investigative reporters. Some became very good at the craft, others failed in the difficult work. It was a heady time to be a reporter, a time when the American public still held reporters in high regard, and "press" had yet to be replaced by the all-encompassing "media."

Where is the craft 30 years later? Well, it depends upon where you look.

Investigative reporting is practiced, and practiced well, at a handful of major newspapers and magazines. Seymour Hersh, who uncovered the Mai Lai massacre in 1969, revealed the Abu Ghraib scandal 35 years later for The New Yorker.

There is no shortage of nominations for Pulitzer Prizes in the category of investigative reporting, but times have changed since Watergate.

In the past 20 years, 40 different newspapers have been named finalists for Pulitzers for investigative reporting. The seeds of the Watergate era were widely scattered.

But increasingly, the prizes are concentrated among a few large newspapers, the agenda-setters. The New York Times, Washington Post and Los Angeles Times have 47 percent (9 of 19) of the finalist spots since 2000. Between 1985 and 2000, their share was only 13 percent. (The Seattle Times is one of only four papers to be named a finalist at least three times since 1985.)

It is not just that winning papers, like winning baseball teams, attract the best in the field — although they do. But, like winning ball teams, these papers are willing to spend reporting time and money. The cost of uncovering a big story can be stupendous, often involving lawyers and computer experts as well as reporters, photographers and editors.

Most papers would rather spend the money on airplane tickets to cover their region's NFL or NBA teams, or so entertainment writers can make pilgrimages to Hollywood. These investments are more likely to attract readers, which in turn attract advertising dollars. The intensely bottom-line newspaper chains rarely appear on the honor roll, but always appear at the top of the profit-margin charts.

More of these investigative awards are won through the use of computer-assisted reporting, often involving the use of complex databases. A prize-winning team typically includes at least one journalist who specializes in this work, and often another who specializes in displaying the product graphically.

This region's most important current investigation, by The Spokesman-Review, includes an undercover computer expert who tracked Spokane Mayor Jim West through the murky corridors of online sex.

Watergate, by contrast, was relentless shoe-leather reporting. Door by door, night after night, Woodward and Bernstein looked for people with some knowledge of the affair who would be willing to talk. Because their results lacked graphic detail and were often based on anonymous sources, the scandal failed to attract television coverage and did not impact the 1972 re-election campaign of President Richard M. Nixon. It was not until the Senate's special Watergate hearings that television unleashed the power of the camera.

Another dramatic shift since Watergate is from newsrooms dominated by reporters to newsrooms dominated by editors, producers and specialists in graphics and design. "Much of the new investment ... is in disseminating the news, not in collecting it," says the Project for Excellence in Journalism. Nearly all online news is collected by old-fashioned print reporters, employed by organizations such as Associated Press, Reuters and leading newspapers. There is no Yahoo reporting team.

Journalism students, at least in my experience, are less interested in hard-scrabble reporting and more interested in supporting roles. Just as Watergate fired up a generation of would-be investigators, so has the Internet attracted a generation that would rather work online than by knocking on actual doors and talking to actual sources.

Revival of the Watergate story reminds us that no amount of blogging and Web browsing can replace face-to-face contact with real sources, and no portfolio of computer expertise rivals an inquiring and skeptical mind and just plain hard work.
_________________________

Floyd J. McKay, a journalism professor emeritus at Western Washington University, is a regular contributor to Times editorial pages. E-mail him at floydmckay@yahoo.com

seattletimes.nwsource.com