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Politics : PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Hope Praytochange who wrote (685787)6/16/2005 1:55:20 PM
From: DuckTapeSunroof  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 769670
 
Let's Talk About Iraq

June 15, 2005
By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN
nytimes.com


Ever since Iraq's remarkable election, the country has been descending deeper and deeper into violence. But no one in Washington wants to talk about it. Conservatives don't want to talk about it because, with a few exceptions, they think their job is just to applaud whatever the Bush team does. Liberals don't want to talk about Iraq because, with a few exceptions, they thought the war was wrong and deep down don't want the Bush team to succeed. As a result, Iraq is drifting sideways and the whole burden is being carried by our military. The rest of the country has gone shopping, which seems to suit Karl Rove just fine.

Well, we need to talk about Iraq. This is no time to give up - this is still winnable - but it is time to ask: What is our strategy? This question is urgent because Iraq is inching toward a dangerous tipping point - the point where the key communities begin to invest more energy in preparing their own militias for a scramble for power - when everything falls apart, rather than investing their energies in making the hard compromises within and between their communities to build a unified, democratizing Iraq.

Our core problem in Iraq remains Donald Rumsfeld's disastrous decision - endorsed by President Bush - to invade Iraq on the cheap. From the day the looting started, it has been obvious that we did not have enough troops there. We have never fully controlled the terrain. Almost every problem we face in Iraq today - the rise of ethnic militias, the weakness of the economy, the shortages of gas and electricity, the kidnappings, the flight of middle-class professionals - flows from not having gone into Iraq with the Powell Doctrine of overwhelming force.

Yes, yes, I know we are training Iraqi soldiers by the battalions, but I don't think this is the key. Who is training the insurgent-fascists? Nobody. And yet they are doing daily damage to U.S. and Iraqi forces. Training is overrated, in my book. Where you have motivated officers and soldiers, you have an army punching above its weight. Where you don't have motivated officers and soldiers, you have an army punching a clock.

Where do you get motivated officers and soldiers? That can come only from an Iraqi leader and government that are seen as representing all the country's main factions. So far the Iraqi political class has been a disappointment. The Kurds have been great. But the Sunni leaders have been shortsighted at best and malicious at worst, fantasizing that they are going to make a comeback to power through terror. As for the Shiites, their spiritual leader, Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, has been a positive force on the religious side, but he has no political analog. No Shiite Hamid Karzai has emerged.

"We have no galvanizing figure right now," observed Kanan Makiya, the Iraqi historian who heads the Iraq Memory Foundation. "Sistani's counterpart on the democratic front has not emerged. Certainly, the Americans made many mistakes, but at this stage less and less can be blamed on them. The burden is on Iraqis. And we still have not risen to the magnitude of the opportunity before us."

I still don't know if a self-sustaining, united and democratizing Iraq is possible. I still believe it is a vital U.S. interest to find out. But the only way to find out is to create a secure environment. It is very hard for moderate, unifying, national leaders to emerge in a cauldron of violence.

Maybe it is too late, but before we give up on Iraq, why not actually try to do it right? Double the American boots on the ground and redouble the diplomatic effort to bring in those Sunnis who want to be part of the process and fight to the death those who don't. As Stanford's Larry Diamond, author of an important new book on the Iraq war, "Squandered Victory," puts it, we need "a bold mobilizing strategy" right now. That means the new Iraqi government, the U.S. and the U.N. teaming up to widen the political arena in Iraq, energizing the constitution-writing process and developing a communications-diplomatic strategy that puts our bloodthirsty enemies on the defensive rather than us. The Bush team has been weak in all these areas. For weeks now, we haven't even had ambassadors in Iraq, Afghanistan or Jordan.

We've already paid a huge price for the Rumsfeld Doctrine - "Just enough troops to lose." Calling for more troops now, I know, is the last thing anyone wants to hear. But we are fooling ourselves to think that a decent, normal, forward-looking Iraqi politics or army is going to emerge from a totally insecure environment, where you can feel safe only with your own tribe.


* Copyright 2005 The New York Times Company



To: Hope Praytochange who wrote (685787)6/16/2005 1:58:15 PM
From: DuckTapeSunroof  Respond to of 769670
 
US should support all democracy, no matter whom it brings to power

By Helena Cobban
Christian Science Monitor
csmonitor.com

CHARLOTTESVILLE, VA. - Should Americans and their leaders be pushing for greater democratization in the Middle East even if this process risks bringing to power parties - including avowedly Islamist parties - that seem strongly opposed to US policies?

Yes. All people who claim they're committed to democracy have to be for the process even if - at home or abroad - it brings to power parties with which we disagree. That is the whole point of democratic practice, after all: to allow people with widely differing ideas to work together to resolve those differences through discussion and the ballot box, rather than through violence.

But what if some countries elect committed Islamists as leaders? Should we fear "one person, one vote, one time" in these cases any more than any others? In the Middle East, as elsewhere, there have been plenty of "elected" leaders who have hung onto power through brutal oppression - in the name of avowedly "secular" values. (Saddam Hussein comes to mind.)

Conversely, there have been openly Islamist parties that have governed fairly well and retained a commitment to democratic principles. One is Turkey's Justice and DevelopmentParty - known as AK. Since winning the 2002 elections the AK has retained voter support while strengthening the rights of ethnic minorities and being much more flexible than all its secular predecessors in diplomacy over the 30-year dispute with Greece over Cyprus.

True, in 2003 the AK government refused to allow US forces headingfor Iraq to pass through Turkey. But the AK didn't do that out of outright hostility toward the US. Like many other nations it opposed the war, preferring to giveUN inspectors more time to work on finding the weapons of mass destruction that the Bush administration claimed that Hussein possessed. (This week, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan has been meeting President Bush in a fence-mending visit to Washington.)

The AK operates like the Muslim equivalent of the Christian religious parties found in some European countries, or Jewish religious parties in Israel, like the National Religious Party. All these parties seek to build a national society that is guided by the tenets of their religion. But all have shown themselves capable of acting according to the rules of democracy, and of working closely with nonreligious parties.

And what about the threat of terrorism? This is certainly a concern many Americans have regarding groups like Palestine's Hamas and Lebanon's Hizbullah. Both these parties are on the State Department's "terrorist" list and have armed wings that operate mainly against Israel. But Hamas and Hizbullaheach also represent a significant section of opinion within its society. And over the years these two, like many other Islamist parties, have built solid reputations for effective, noncorrupt management of social welfare projects - reputations that contrast strongly with those of many secular groupings.

Americans and others need to understand there is a big difference between Al Qaeda and groups such as these that conduct much of their work quite openly, that provide real services to needy populations, and that commit to entering the political system on equitable democratic terms.

Certainly, these parties' military wings need to be curtailed or shut down; reaching comprehensive peace agreements between Israel and all of its neighbors is surely the best way to achieve this.

In the meantime, should the US take - or encourage others to take - steps to exclude these groups from their countries' political systems? Absolutely not. First, to do so in the context of Mr. Bush's strong rhetoric about supporting Middle Eastern democracies would be seen - rightly - as the height of hypocrisy. Second, including such parties within accountable governance systems is generally the very best way to improve the political health and overall well-being of these societies.

Overblown rhetoric about "not talking with terrorists" can stand in the way of this. Remember that in South Africa the apartheid regime refused for decades to talk with Nelson Mandela's African National Congress (ANC), arguing vociferously that the ANC's people were all "terrorists." But in 1990, the white government started official talks with Mandela - and thank God they did. They found the ANC ready to commit to entering the political system on an equitable, one-person-one-vote basis. And under the guidance of the ANC's disciplined, mass party organization, South Africa's transition to democracy took place miraculously smoothly.

The fears that many white South Africans had voiced about any talks leading to a ballooning of ANC "terrorism" proved quite unfounded.

Today, as the US and many governments allied with it consider the challenges poised by Islamist parties, they should similarly not let the rhetoric of counterterrorism get in the way of encouraging the entry into the democratic process of politically effective, mass parties with whose policies they happen to disagree. A commitment to resolving internal differences through deliberation and the ballot box is, after all, the fundamental bedrock of democracy. Any party prepared to make that commitment should be encouraged to take part.

• Helena Cobban is s working on a book about violence and its legacies.