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Politics : GOPwinger Lies/Distortions/Omissions/Perversions of Truth -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Wayners who wrote (51574)7/4/2005 10:48:34 AM
From: paret  Respond to of 173976
 
Very interesting thought.



To: Wayners who wrote (51574)7/4/2005 10:49:55 AM
From: paret  Respond to of 173976
 
Independence Day Betrayed
July 4, 2005
By Tom Barrett

Just days before our nation was to celebrate its independence from the tyranny of England in 1776, the US Supreme Court betrayed us by placing us under the tyranny of another government  our own. On July 4, 1776, we declared that King George III could no longer take our money. On June 23, 2005, the US Supreme Court, by a one-vote majority, gave government the authority to take our private property.

I am of course referring to the drastic expansion of the power of Eminent Domain passed by the Supremes in Kelo v. New London. In this case the city of New London, Connecticut wanted to force residents to sell their homes to a private development corporation. The city had delegated its power of Eminent Domain to this private corporation. The corporation wanted to build a resort hotel, conference center and 100 private residences. They wanted to take citizens homes so they could build other homes!

The lead plaintiff, Susette Kelo, and 14 other plaintiffs who love their homes and their neighborhood, sued the city to stop this unlawful seizure. Susette had dreamed of owning a home that looked out over the water. She bought and lovingly restored her little pink house in 1997, and has enjoyed the great view from its windows ever since. The Dery family, fellow plaintiffs who live down the street from Susette, has lived there since 1895. And now the Supreme Court, their last chance, has told them the city can use Eminent Domain to take their homes.

Eminent Domain, the power of government to force citizens to sell private property to the government, has long been with us. But historically, eminent domain has applied to civic projects like dams and roads. It was intended to keep one individual from holding out for large sums of money when the government was buying land for necessary public projects. This ruling explicitly gives cities the right to knock down homes for the benefit of private developers.

This nation was founded by people who were sick of the English system of law which derived in large part from the feudal tradition of that nation. In that tradition the royalty could do pretty much as they pleased, including taking your daughter or your land. Unfortunately, our Founders adopted much of that system of law, known today as English Common Law. Although our Constitution does not mention Eminent Domain, the last phrase of the Fifth Amendment does allude to it: nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.

The nation will miss the wise counsel of Justice Sandra Day O'Connor, who announced her retirement this week. She voted against the majority in this case. In her dissenting opinion she said that, "Any property may now be taken for the benefit of another private party...The beneficiaries are likely to be those citizens with disproportionate influence and power in the political process, including large corporations..."

We should note that this issue was hardly a slam-dunk, with a large majority bowing to numerous weight precedents. No, it was a five to four vote, with OConnor penning a masterful, well-reasoned and logical dissent. It would have gone the other way if there were only one more Justice on the Court who respected the Constitution.

For the first 175 years of our republic, it was clearly recognized that government should not seize a citizens property and give it to other people for their private use. The Supreme Court ruled in 1937 (see LINK below) that one persons property may not be taken for the benefit of another private person without a justifying public purpose, even though compensation be paid. Since that time, activist courts have gradually eroded our property rights until the Supreme Court felt safe in engaging in the ultimate betrayal of the American citizens in this case.

It is wrong for government, whether federal, state or local, to seize private property unless it is clear that it is necessary to do so for the public good. If the only logical place for a much-needed community hospital included my property, they wouldnt need to use Eminent Domain. I would sell, making sure I received a reasonable price. But the argument of the governments which are abusing Eminent Domain is not that the land is need for public projects. Their argument is that it is in the publics interest to take private property because government will receive more taxes!
Under this logic, a quiet neighborhood with well-kept homes can be condemned if a developer convinces government that he can generate more tax revenue. He doesnt even have to prove that the project will do so. If the government thinks it will, they can condemn your property.

But what if the politicians are crooks? What if the developer pays off politicians to vote for a project that will make all of them millions at your expense? This was clearly Justice OConnors concern, although she stated it more politely (referring to it as disproportionate influence and power in the political process). I am not a judge, so I can call it what it is: Crooks paying off elected crooks.
Where does it end? Churches and synagogues will be next. For example, think of all the money the city of West Palm Beach would make in taxes if it condemned First Baptist Church. The church is right on the Intracoastal Waterway. What a great place for condos! Think of the millions of dollars in taxes the city will get over the years! And the Supreme Court says its OK!!

One citizen has devised a novel response to the Supremes shameful decision. On June 27, just four days after the Court acted on Kelo v. New London, Logan Darrow Clements started the application process to build a hotel on 34 Cilley Hill Road, Weare, New Hampshire. This is the present location of the home of Supreme Court Justice David Souter, who voted with the majority to take our property rights away. The hotel will be named The Lost Liberty Hotel.

Clements points out that the town will certainly gain greater tax revenue and economic benefits with a hotel on 34 Cilley Hill Road than allowing Mr. Souter to own the land. He said in a press release (see LINK below) that the hotel must be built on this particular piece of land because it is a unique site being the home of someone largely responsible for destroying property rights for all Americans.

"This is not a prank" said Clements. "The Towne of Weare has five people on the Board of Selectmen. If three of them vote to use the power of eminent domain to take this land from Mr. Souter we can begin our hotel development."
What can you do to help? You may not be able to take a Supreme Court Justices home, but think about this.
Regardless of what the Supreme Court says, local and state officials need votes. Just because the Supremes say something can be done, politicians dont have to do that thing. Call, write and email every politician, federal, state and local, who answers to you. Tell them that if they even think of trampling on your property rights, you will do everything in your power to defeat them in their next election.

Finally, if Independence Day is to mean anything in the future, the judges must be reined in. Justice OConnor has retired. Chief Justice Rehnquist will likely follow soon. The liberals have amassed tens of millions of dollars to be used to immediately attack any judge our President nominates. Patriots need to be prepared to fight a hard battle to place justices on the Supreme Court, as well as all courts in the land, who will interpret the Constitution rather than creating law. Unless activist judges are stopped, all of our freedoms, including the freedom to enjoy our property in peace, will be taken from us.

INTERNET RESEARCH:

Institute of Justice article on Kelo v. New London:
ij.org

1937 Supreme Court Decision Limiting Governments Ability to Take Private Property:
fff.org

Lost Liberty Hotel:
freestarmedia.com

Tom Barrett has been an ordained minister for 30 years. He has written for local and national publications for most of his life, and has authored several non-fiction books. He has been interviewed on many TV and radio programs, and speaks at seminars nationwide. Tom is the editor and publisher of Conservative Truth, an email newsletter read by over fifty thousand weekly which focuses on moral and political issues from a Biblical viewpoint.




To: Wayners who wrote (51574)7/4/2005 10:56:13 AM
From: paret  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 173976
 
Supreme Folly

By RICHARD A. EPSTEIN
WSJ June 27, 2005

Last week's regrettable 5-4 decision in Kelo v. City of New London marks a new low point in the Supreme Court's takings jurisprudence. The Constitution allows private property to be taken for public use only on payment of just compensation. But what counts as public use? In Kelo, Justice John Paul Stevens held that courts, especially federal courts, should be hugely deferential to a government decision, done after comprehensive hearings, to displace one private property owner in favor of a second private party in the name of overall economic development.

To understand why Kelo is truly horrible, it is necessary to look both at Kelo and the constitutional logic of public use requirement. On the former, the declining economic fortunes of New London spurred the city elders to embark on a general urban development plan, underwritten by $73 million in state money devoted to general planning, physical infrastructure and environmental cleanup. The plan lacked only one ingredient -- some real live developer prepared to risk his own capital to build any office or hotel on part of the 90 or so acres the City already had.

Not content with its overheated vision, New London's plan envisioned taking down about 15 old homes overlooking Long Island Sound, to be used for some unidentified form of "park support." Fancy new private homes were not listed on the plan. None of the endless frustration and delays in implementing its grand plan were attributable to the decision of some landowners to fight New London. Quite simply, the slow rate of development made obsolete some of the original projects, such as a luxury hotel to support a new nearby Pfizer facility. Pfizer [billion dollar DRUG company] could not wait 10 years to house its visiting dignitaries. One obvious compromise position, therefore, should have appealed even to the five member majority on the Supreme Court: to force the City to postpone the condemnation of these private homes until the City revealed its hand.

No such luck with Justice Stevens, for in his view New London had made its case when it asserted, without evidence, that the new projects would both increase tax revenues and create new jobs. It hardly mattered that its projections had been pulled out of thin air and were already hopelessly out of date when the case reached the Supreme Court. All that need be shown to Justice Stevens was procedural regularity and some claim that the proposed project served some "public benefit."

Astute readers will quickly note that the phrase "public benefit" is far broader than the constitutional words "public use." That last phrase clearly covers only two situations. The first arises when land is taken to build government facilities, such as forts, or to construct infrastructure, such as highways, open to all. The second covers those cases where property is taken by, or conveyed to, private parties who are duty bound to keep it open to all users. Private railroads and private grist mills, both of which are subject to the common carrier obligation of universal service, are two obvious examples. Note too that once a given use is properly identified as public, it does not matter for constitutional purposes whether the project is wise or is as foolish as New London's redevelopment program. The constitutional inquiry is over once it is proved that the project falls into these categories. Factually, the standard of review hardly matters, for it takes little genius to prove that a given structure is a fort or a highway.

There are, however, good reasons why the public use language has long been extended to cover some cases of takings for private purposes with indirect public benefits. One recurrent problem of social coordination arises when one party is in a position to blockade the productive ventures of another. To take a real historical example, assume that the owner of a mine (who has no choice on where to dig) can only get his ore to market by ferrying it over scrub lands owned by another individual. That second landowner can demand a huge chunk of the mining profits for his trivial contribution to the overall venture. For over 100 years, the Supreme Court has allowed the state to condemn the obstructing property for the mine owner upon payment of just compensation, here measured by the trivial losses sustained by the obstructing landowner. The net gains from blocking the holdout are huge.

The great intellectual blunder of the public use law over the past 50 or so years is that it has wrenched the public benefit language out of this narrow holdout context. In the mid-1950s, the Supreme Court held that takings were for public use when they were intended to relieve various forms of urban "blight" -- a slippery term with no clear constitutional pedigree. Thirty years later, the Court went a step further by allowing Hawaii to force landlords to sell their interests to sitting tenants, as a means to counteracting ostensible "oligopolistic" market conditions. Now any "conceivable" indirect social benefit would do, without regard to the attendant costs.

Given this past legacy, Justice Stevens found it easy to take New London at its word. Any comprehensive public project will produce some benefit for someone, so that -- as Justices O'Connor and Thomas stressed in dissent -- his test always allows the legislature to gin up some rationale for taking public property for just compensation (which alas falls far short of making the individual landowner whole: legal, appraisal and moving costs, for example, are systematically ignored). But the slightest bit of reflection should have shown just how the new public use cases have migrated from the old mining cases, or even under the Hawaii statute, which did not displace sitting tenants.

In the present case, Susette Kelo and her fellow plaintiffs have not tried to extract some unconscionable gain out of some sensible business venture. They have no desire to sell their homes at all. At the same time their subjective losses have been enormous. It was a perfectly sensible line for the Court to say when subjective values are high, and holdout problems are nonexistent, the requisite public use is not present.

The Court could only arrive at its shameful Kelo ruling by refusing to look closely at past precedent and constitutional logic. Courts that refuse to see no evil and hear no evil are blind to the endemic risk of factional politics at all levels of government. And being blind, this bare Supreme Court majority has sustained a scandalous and cruel act for no public purpose at all.

Mr. Epstein is a professor of law at the University of Chicago and a senior fellow of the Hoover Institution.