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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: geode00 who wrote (166294)7/16/2005 9:48:53 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
It Appears That Karl Rove Is in Serious Trouble
________________________________________

By John W. Dean
FindLaw
Friday 15 July 2005

As the scandal over the leak of CIA agent Valerie Plame's identity has continued to unfold, there is a renewed focused on Karl Rove - the White House Deputy Chief of Staff whom President Bush calls his political "architect."

Newsweek has reported that Matt Cooper, in an email to his bureau chief at Time magazine, wrote that he had spoken "to Rove on double super secret background for about two minutes before he went on vacation ..." In that conversation, Rove gave Cooper "big warning" that Time should not "get too far out on Wilson." Rove was referring, of course, to former Ambassador Joe Wilson's acknowledgment of his trip to Africa, where he discovered that Niger had not, in fact, provided uranium to Iraq that might be part of a weapons of mass destruction (WMD) program. Cooper's email indicates that Rove told Cooper that Wilson's trip had not been authorized by CIA Director George Tenet or Vice President Dick Cheney; rather, Rove claimed, "it was ... Wilson's wife, who apparently works at the agency on [WMD] issues who authorized the trip." (Rove was wrong about the authorization.)

Only the Special Counsel, Patrick Fitzgerald, and his staff have all the facts on their investigation at this point, but there is increasing evidence that Rove (and others) may have violated one or more federal laws. At this time, it would be speculation to predict whether indictments will be forthcoming.

No Apparent Violation of the Identities Protection Act

As I pointed out when the Valerie Plame Wilson leak first surfaced, the Intelligence Identities And Protection Act is a complex law. For the law to apply to Rove, a number of requirements must be met.

Rove must have had "authorized access to classified information" under the statute. Plame was an NCO (non-covered officer). White House aides, and even the president, are seldom, if ever, given this information. So it is not likely Rove had "authorized access" to it.

In addition, Rove must have "intentionally" - not "knowingly" as has been mentioned in the news coverage - disclosed "any information identifying such a covert agent." Whether or not Rove actually referred to Mrs. Wilson as "Valerie Plame," then, the key would be whether he gave Matt Cooper (or others) information that Joe Wilson's wife was a covert agent. Also, the statute requires that Rove had to know,a as a fact, that the United States was taking, or had taken, "affirmative measures to conceal" Valerie Plame's covert status. Rove's lawyer says he had no such knowledge.

In fact, there is no public evidence that Valerie Wilson had the covert status required by the statute. A covert agent, as defined under this law, is "a present or retired officer or employee" of the CIA, whose identity as such "is classified information," and this person must be serving outside of the United States, or have done so in the last five years.

There is no solid information that Rove, or anyone else, violated this law designed to protect covert CIA agents. There is, however, evidence suggesting that other laws were violated. In particular, I have in mind the laws invoked by the Bush Justice Department in the relatively minor leak case that it vigorously prosecuted, though it involved information that was not nearly as sensitive as that which Rove provided Matt Cooper (and possibly others).

The Jonathan Randel Leak Prosecution Precedent

I am referring to the prosecution and conviction of Jonathan Randel. Randel was a Drug Enforcement Agency analyst, a PhD in history, working in the Atlanta office of the DEA. Randel was convinced that British Lord Michael Ashcroft (a major contributor to Britain's Conservative Party, as well as American conservative causes) was being ignored by DEA, and its investigation of money laundering. (Lord Ashcroft is based in South Florida and the off-shore tax haven of Belize.)

Randel leaked the fact that Lord Ashcroft's name was in the DEA files, and this fact soon surfaced in the London news media. Ashcroft sued, and learned the source of the information was Randel. Using his clout, soon Ashcroft had the US Attorney in pursuit of Randel for his leak.

By late February 2002, the Department of Justice indicted Randel for his leaking of Lord Ashcroft's name. It was an eighteen count "kitchen sink" indictment; they threw everything they could think of at Randel. Most relevant for Karl Rove's situation, Court One of Randel's indictment alleged a violation of Title 18, United States Code, Section 641. This is a law that prohibits theft (or conversion for one's own use) of government records and information for non-governmental purposes. But its broad language covers leaks, and it has now been used to cover just such actions.

Randel, faced with a life sentence (actually, 500 years) if convicted on all counts, on the advice of his attorney, pleaded guilty to violating Section 641. On January 9, 2003, Randel was sentenced to a year in a federal prison, followed by three years probation. This sentence prompted the US Attorney to boast that the conviction of Randel made a good example of how the Bush Administration would handle leakers.

The Randel Precedent - If Followed - Bodes Ill for Rove

Karl Rove may be able to claim that he did not know he was leaking "classified information" about a "covert agent," but there can be no question he understood that what he was leaking was "sensitive information." The very fact that Matt Cooper called it "double super secret background" information suggests Rove knew of its sensitivity, if he did not know it was classified information (which by definition is sensitive).

United States District Court Judge Richard Story's statement to Jonathan Randel, at the time of sentencing, might have an unpleasant ring for Karl Rove. Judge Story told Randel that he surely must have appreciated the risks in leaking DEA information. "Anything that would affect the security of officers and of the operations of the agency would be of tremendous concern, I think, to any law-abiding citizen in this country," the judge observed. Judge Story concluded this leak of sensitive information was "a very serious crime."

"In my view," he explained, "it is a very serious offense because of the risk that comes with it, and part of that risk is because of the position" that Randel held in DEA. But the risk posed by the information Rove leaked is multiplied many times over; it occurred at a time when the nation was considering going to war over weapons of mass destruction. And Rove was risking the identity of, in attempting to discredit, a WMD proliferation expert, Valerie Plame Wilson.

Judge Story acknowledged that Randel's leak did not appear to put lives at risk, nor to jeopardize any DEA investigations. But he also pointed out that Randel "could not have completely and fully known that in the position that [he] held." Is not the same true of Rove? Rove had no idea what the specific consequences of giving a reporter the name of a CIA agent (about whom he says he knew nothing) would be - he only knew that he wanted to discredit her (incorrectly) for dispatching her husband to determine if the rumors about Niger uranium were true or false.

Given the nature of Valerie Plame Wilson's work, it is unlikely the public will ever know if Rove's leak caused damage, or even loss of life of one of her contracts abroad, because of Rove's actions. Dose anyone know the dangers and risks that she and her family may face because of this leak?

It was just such a risk that convinced Judge Story that "for any person with the agency to take it upon himself to leak information poses a tremendous risk; and that's what, to me, makes this a particularly serious offense." Cannot the same be said that Rove's leak? It dealt with matters related to national security; if the risk Randel was taking was a "tremendous" risk, surely Rove's leak was monumental.

While there are other potential violations of the law that may be involved with the Valerie Plame Wilson case, it would be speculation to consider them. But Karl Rove's leak to Matt Cooper is now an established fact. First, there is Matt Cooper's email record. And Cooper has now confirmed that he has told the grand jury he spoke with Rove. If Rove's leak fails to fall under the statute that was used to prosecute Randel, I do not understand why.

There are stories circulating that Rove may have been told of Valerie Plame's CIA activity by a journalist, such as Judith Miller, as recently suggested in Editor & Publisher. If so, that doesn't exonerate Rove. Rather, it could make for some interesting pairing under the federal conspiracy statute (which was the statute most commonly employed during Watergate).
______________________________

John W. Dean, a FindLaw columnist, is a former counsel to the president.

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truthout.org



To: geode00 who wrote (166294)7/17/2005 7:15:36 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
If Rove Wasn't Initial Source of Leak, Who Was?
________________________________________________

Some in GOP fear more revelations, and hope naming a court nominee will overshadow case.

By Doyle McManus
Los Angeles Times Staff Writer
July 17, 2005

WASHINGTON — If Karl Rove was source No. 2, who was source No. 1?

Rove, President Bush's top political advisor, has survived a bruising week of controversy over his role in the unmasking of a CIA officer. But White House officials and their Republican allies acknowledge that they may face more revelations in the weeks and months to come.

For two years, the White House had insisted that Rove and other aides were not involved in the leaks of information that led to the identification of Valerie Plame, a covert CIA officer, in a newspaper column.

But last week, evidence surfaced that Rove had, in fact, spoken to reporters about Plame before her name turned up in print. White House spokesman Scott McClellan, who had asserted that he and the president knew that Rove was not involved, said he could no longer speak about the case.

Rove's lawyer, Robert Luskin, has defended his client doggedly, acknowledging that Rove talked with journalists about the case, but insisting that he never knowingly revealed classified information. In fact, Luskin has noted, Rove has suggested that he learned Plame's name from one of the reporters who called him — indicating that Rove was not the initial source of the leak.

Those details, lawyers said, add up to a defense for Rove against the federal law that makes it a crime to knowingly reveal the identity of a clandestine CIA officer. Luskin said Rove had been told that he was not a target of special prosecutor Patrick J. Fitzgerald's investigation.

But Rove's reported assertion that the reporters he talked with already knew about Valerie Plame has focused attention on another question: Who was the original source of the leak?

The answer is not publicly known. Fitzgerald's investigators have questioned members of the White House press staff, including McClellan; aides to Vice President Dick Cheney, including his powerful chief of staff, I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby; and current and former State Department officials — but none has stepped forward publicly to acknowledge a role in the leak.

The question has some Republicans worried, though.

"There are other shoes to drop here," warned an advisor to the GOP leadership in Congress, who insisted on anonymity in order to speak freely. "There are people who haven't come out yet. There could be indictments. And that would cast an entirely different shadow on the matter."

In public, even as Bush and his aides have refused to comment on the issue, many of their allies have rallied in defense.

Republican National Committee Chairman Ken Mehlman, who once worked for Rove, declared: "The fact is, Karl Rove did not leak classified information." Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist (R-Tenn.) called it "a nonstory."

Frist's comment reflected the main hope of Republicans on Capitol Hill, as well as in the White House: that the leak investigation was sufficiently tangled and obscure that it would fail to capture much public attention — or would be supplanted by other news.

"As soon as there's a Supreme Court nomination, this will be knocked off the front pages," predicted Kenneth M. Duberstein, a former chief of staff to President Reagan.

Democrats, unsurprisingly, have labored to keep the issue in the news. House Democratic Leader Nancy Pelosi of San Francisco demanded that Bush fire Rove, declaring: "This must end now. Our democracy is at stake."

The Democratic National Committee churned out three news releases a day, including one that asked: "What is the difference between a family cat and Karl Rove?" (The answer: A Republican congressman once proposed investigating how much money the White House spent on President Clinton's cat, Socks. Congress has shown no enthusiasm for investigating Rove.)

Privately, though, several Democratic strategists acknowledged that Duberstein could be right, that the complex circumstances of the leak investigation have made it difficult to capture much public attention.

The White House reaction to the charges — a stolid refusal to comment until the prosecutor's investigation is complete — appears designed to do two things: first, to avoid adding fuel to the fire that was ignited by the revelation that Rove, despite earlier denials, was involved; and second, to take advantage of the fact that Fitzgerald's investigation appears likely to continue for many months before delivering a final report.

The special prosecutor has said in court filings that he is near the end of the active part of his investigation. One recalcitrant witness, New York Times reporter Judith Miller, has been jailed for her refusal to testify before a grand jury, and Fitzgerald has indicated that he still hopes to pressure her into speaking.

Fitzgerald, a career prosecutor, was given no time limit for his work when he was appointed special counsel in 2003.

Rove, who has worked with Bush for decades, is the last of the top aides who ran the president's successful 2000 campaign to remain in the White House five years later. Associates have described the relationship between the two men as "symbiotic."

Rove has played a central role in Bush's effort to make his second term ambitious and effective with legislation on issues such as Social Security and tax reform.

Bush praised Rove as "the architect" of his reelection campaign in 2004, and promoted him to deputy chief of staff, with broad authority over domestic policy issues as well as political affairs.

The leak probe stems from a 2003 article by syndicated columnist Robert Novak, which said government officials had identified Plame as the person who suggested that the CIA send her husband, former Ambassador Joseph C. Wilson IV, on an official fact-finding trip to the west African nation of Niger.

The trip later became a matter of controversy when Wilson began publicly questioning the Bush administration's reasons for going to war in Iraq.

Wilson said he was sent to Niger to answer a question from Vice President Dick Cheney about whether Iraq was trying to buy nuclear weapons material there.

Wilson said there was no evidence to support the allegation, and he complained that the administration had ignored his finding.

Administration officials, already stung by charges that they had exaggerated Iraq's weapons of mass destruction, have contested almost every aspect of Wilson's version of events.

latimes.com