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Politics : The Supreme Court, All Right or All Wrong? -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: sandintoes who wrote (502)8/18/2005 8:57:34 PM
From: sandintoes  Respond to of 3029
 
Docs: Roberts Criticized State Efforts to Fight Gender Discrimination
Thursday, August 18, 2005

WASHINGTON — Supreme Court nominee John Roberts (search) disparaged state efforts to combat discrimination against women in Reagan-era documents made public Thursday — and wondered whether "encouraging homemakers to become lawyers contributes to the common good."

As a young White House lawyer, Roberts also expressed support for a national ID card in 1983, saying it would help counter the "real threat to our social fabric posed by uncontrolled immigration."

In words that may resurface — however humorously — at his confirmation hearing, he criticized a crime-fighting proposal by Sen. Arlen Specter (search) as "the epitome of the throw money at the problem" approach.

Specter, R-Pa., then a first-term senator, is now chairman of the Judiciary Committee and will preside at Roberts' hearings, scheduled to begin Sept. 6.

The documents, released simultaneously in Washington and at the Reagan Library in California, show Roberts held a robust view of presidential powers under the Constitution. "I am institutionally disposed against adopting a limited reading of a statute conferring power on the president," he wrote in 1985.

The materials made public completed the disclosure of more than 50,000 pages that cover Roberts' tenure as a lawyer in the White House counsel's office from 1982-86.

Nearly 2,000 more pages from the same period have been withheld on national security or privacy grounds.

Additionally, over the persistent protests of Senate Democrats, the White House has refused to make available any of the records covering Roberts' later tenure as principal deputy solicitor general during the administration of President George H.W. Bush.

Taken as a whole, the material released Thursday reinforced the well-established image of Roberts as a young lawyer whose views on abortion, affirmative action, school prayer and more were in harmony with the conservative president he served. In one memo, he referred favorably to effort to "defund the left."

Democrats say they will question Roberts closely on those subjects and others at his hearings, and they scoured the newly disclosed documents. And despite the apparently long odds against them, civil rights and women's groups are beginning to mount an attempt to defeat his nomination.

Emily's List, which works to elect female candidates, drew attention to a recent speech by Sen. Barbara Boxer (search), D-Calif., in which Boxer raised the possibility of a filibuster if Roberts doesn't elaborate on his views on abortion and privacy rights at his hearings.

"I have the ultimate step," Boxer said. "I can use all the parliamentary rules I have as a senator to stand up and fight for you."

The documents released Thursday recalled the battles of the Reagan era and underscored the breadth of the issues that crossed the desk of Roberts, then a young lawyer in the White House.

He advised senior officials not to try and circumvent the will of Congress when it established a nationwide 55 mph speed limit, for example.

At one point, Roberts drafted a graceful letter to the actor James Stewart for Reagan's signature. "I would normally be delighted to serve on any group chaired by you," it began, then went on to explain why White House lawyers didn't want the president to join a school advisory council.

On a more weighty issue, he struggled to define the line that Reagan and other officials should not cross in encouraging private help to the forces opposing the leftist Sandinista government of Nicaragua.

A memo dated Jan. 21, 1986, said there was no legal problem with Reagan's holding a White House briefing for two groups trying to raise funds. Then, a month later, Roberts warned against getting too close to such groups, toning down letters of commendation drafted for Reagan's signature.

On immigration, he wrote Fred Fielding, White House counsel at the time, in October 1983 that he did not share his opposition to a national ID card. Separately, anticipating a presidential interview with Spanish Today, he wrote. "I think this audience would be pleased that we are trying to grant legal status to their illegal amigos."

Roberts reviewed a report that summarized state efforts to combat discrimination against women. "Many of the reported proposals and efforts are themselves highly objectionable," he wrote to Fielding.

As an example, he said a California program "points to passage of a law requiring the order of layoffs to reflect affirmative action programs and not merely seniority" — a position at odds with administration policy.

He referred to a "staggeringly pernicious law codifying the anti-capitalist notion of `comparable worth,' (as opposed to market value) pay scales." Advocates of comparable worth argued that women were victims of discrimination because they were paid less than men working in other jobs that the state had decided were worth the same.

In a third case, Roberts said a Florida measure "cites a (presumably unconstitutional) proposal to charge women less tuition at state schools, because they have less earning potential."

In a memo dated Sept. 26, 1983, Roberts cited the administration's objections to a proposed Equal Rights Amendment to the Constitution.

"Any amendment would ... override the prerogatives of the states and vest the federal judiciary with broader powers in this area, two of the central objections to the ERA," Roberts wrote.

His remark about homemakers and lawyers seemed almost a throwaway line in a one-page memo about the Clairol Rising Star Awards and Scholarship Program. The program was designed to honor women who made changes in their lives after age 30 and had made contributions in their new fields.

An administration official nominated an aide who had been a teacher but then became a lawyer. Roberts signed off on the nomination, then wrote: "Some might question whether encouraging homemakers to become lawyers contributes to the common good, but I suppose that is for the judges to decide."

More than a decade later, Roberts married an attorney.

foxnews.com



To: sandintoes who wrote (502)8/18/2005 11:41:01 PM
From: paret  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 3029
 
Democrats struggle to find chinks in Roberts's armor
Christian Science Monitor ^ | August 19, 2005 edition | Linda Feldmann

For liberal activists who have been waiting for a confirmation battle, Roberts is proving a difficult target.

WASHINGTON - This week's flare-up between left-wing activist groups and Democratic elected officials over Supreme Court nominee John Roberts reflects a longstanding tension that has been growing ever since the 2004 elections.

Since Judge Roberts's nomination July 19, most Senate Democrats have taken a fairly measured approach in public statements about the man - promising aggressive questions when confirmation hearings begin Sept. 6 and pushing for the release of documents The White House is withholding, but avoiding tough rhetoric on Roberts's judicial philosophy.

When the Washington Post ran a front-page article early this week concluding that, barring an unforeseen revelation on Roberts, the Democrats were not planning a major fight to block confirmation, liberal activist groups struck back. The essence of their message: "This must not be a coronation." They cite what they see as an emerging picture of Roberts - from documents that have been released recently from his days in the Reagan White House and Justice Department - as one who holds positions far to the right of the justice he would replace, Sandra Day O'Connor.

Key Senate Democrats reacted in a New York minute, coming out with their toughest statements to date on Roberts. Patrick Leahy, the ranking Democrat on the Senate Judiciary Committee, called Roberts's views in those documents "among the most radical being offered by a cadre intent on reversing decades of policies on civil rights, voting rights, women's rights, privacy, and access to justice."

But the bottom line hasn't changed: Based on what is known today - sterling résumé, highest rating from the American Bar Association, likable personality, and apparently not even an unpaid parking ticket to his name - Roberts appears to be a shoo-in for confirmation. That's just not something most elected Democrats dare say out loud.

And indeed, analysts say, it's too soon to project a final vote count in the Senate. But for the Democratic Party, the hard truth is that it controls no branches of government, and in order to win seats in the 2006 midterm elections and then have a shot at the presidency in 2008, the party must keep its activists energized. Thus, the dance elected Democrats are doing with their most loyal foot soldiers.

"There's a strange minuet going on," says Ross Baker, an expert on the Senate at Rutgers University. "In some ways, even the activists feel they could do a lot worse than Roberts, but they can't say it. They have to put up some kind of fight."

Indeed, when it came out recently that Roberts had once done pro bono legal work for a gay-rights group, that caused all interested parties to pause - both conservative and liberal. That news nugget seemed to underscore Roberts's identity as a professional appellate lawyer, not an ideologue.

But in the Kabuki theater that often characterizes the Washington political scene, the various players have reverted to their expected roles. For the Democratic coalition, that involves maintaining as much of the activist energy level from the 2004 elections as possible, particularly for fundraising, party-building, and get-out-the vote activities.

For the liberal activist groups, who have been spoiling for a big Supreme Court confirmation battle for years, this is it - a chance to influence the outcome on this most weighty of presidential nominations, a lifetime appointment to the highest court. Their own fundraising and constituency-building depend heavily on an impressive showing.

But the Democratic caucus in Congress faces somewhat different imperatives. As the minority party, elected Democrats have limited options - particularly, with Roberts, in the face of such a smooth nominee. Some Senate Democrats from Republican states know their safe vote on Roberts is yes. For the caucus as a whole, the Roberts nomination is just one of an array of issues to contend with; decisions to go to the mat and fight the White House and majority Republicans in Congress are not taken easily or often.

Senate Democrats also know that another Supreme Court vacancy or two are likely before Bush leaves office, and that the president could nominate someone a lot less palatable than Roberts. And so, analysts say, that's another reason not to go to the mat on on this first vacancy. An important element of Roberts's confirmation hearings will be to watch for the markers put in place for next time.

"The groups want certain questions asked of Roberts to lay a predicate for future nominees," says Marshall Wittmann, a senior fellow at the Democratic Leadership Council. "Unless there's a revelation we can't fathom, this will be the meat of the hearings."

The larger political context of a weakening president - including the scene outside his Crawford, Tex., ranch with anti-war protester Cindy Sheehan - may also have emboldened the Democrats to ratchet up their rhetoric on Roberts. "This is paralleling the whole Cindy Sheehan phenomenon and decline in the president's poll numbers," notes Trevor Parry-Giles, an analyst on Supreme Court confirmations at the University of Maryland, College Park. "The president is taking heat for his long vacation, and the left sees an opportunity."