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To: Tenchusatsu who wrote (246953)8/22/2005 12:50:56 PM
From: steve harris  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 1572206
 
The liberal playbook...

libertypost.org

1. Avoid factual arguments, they're usually against you anyway.

2. If for some obscure reason the facts actually fall your way (an extremely rare occurrence) then repeat them endlessly regardless of the reply of your conservative opponent. Remember time is limited, use this against him.

3. Get as personal and vicious as you can, maybe it will distract your opponent from his train of thought.

4. If you are unable to insult him with the usual insults such as “racist,” “homophobe,” or “bigot,” then insult someone else on his side (someone related to the subject under discussion is preferable but not required).

5. When you’re losing, and you usually will be, abruptly change the subject. Again the object of this is to distract and deflect attention from your opponent’s argument.

6. Talk loudly and rapidly, don’t allow your opponent to get a word in. Remember the more time you consume, the less time your opponent will have.

7. Use hyperbole as an example of your opponent’s argument and suggest that that is what they are suggesting.

8. Purposely misunderstand what is being said by your opponent and distort it into something you can use.

9. Make up “facts” most people don’t check them and anyway, you’ll be long gone by the time the truth is known, and so will the audience.

10. Expect perfection. Focus on the slightest flaw in your opponent’s argument, any kind of mistake, grammatical, spelling, contextual, anything no matter how slight is sufficient to deflect attention away from how vacuous your arguments are.

11. Act insulted. Take umbrage at the slightest contradiction and act as if it is a personal insult. This will make your personal attack seem warranted and just.

12. Mug the camera or audience while your opponent is speaking, make faces, sneering is good, head-shaking better, and looking toward the ceiling is best [notice the avoidance of the word Heaven, Liberals avoid words of a religious nature WM]. Let the audience know you disagree with your opponent (even if you’ve no idea what he’s saying)

13. Use condescending laughter as much as you can. It serves two purposes, first, it dismisses your opponent as being unworthy of your respect and second, it shows your contempt for his arguments. This is a very powerful tool and can really annoy your opponent and disrupt his train of thought.

14. You’re an arrogant Liberal; demonstrate your obvious intellectual superiority by acting in a condescending manner.

15. Forget how many of the wealthiest in this nation are Liberals, always beat the drum of “Rich Republicans” and “working class Democrats.”

16. Finally, always remember style trumps substance. Know it, Live it.



To: Tenchusatsu who wrote (246953)8/22/2005 2:47:58 PM
From: Jim McMannis  Respond to of 1572206
 
Mexican Hopefuls Eye Voters in L.A. By Sam Enriquez Times Staff Writer
Mon Aug 22, 7:55 AM ET


MEXICO CITY — The 2006 Mexican presidential campaign kicks off after Labor Day — in Los Angeles.

ADVERTISEMENT

The leading contenders are planning appearances in L.A. this fall, campaign aides confirm, in a bid to capture the attention and support of their country's newest constituency.

Last month, Mexicans living abroad were granted the right to vote by mail, beginning with the presidential election in July 2006.

There are estimated to be 10 million adult Mexicans living in the United States, and experts say a third or less are eligible to vote, though it is anybody's guess how many will cast ballots. About 37 million people, 64% of the registered electorate, voted in Mexico's 2000 presidential election.

The front-runners want to make every vote count, and they have little time. Mexican election laws forbid campaign appearances outside the country after candidates are selected this fall.

The right to vote abroad, and the billions of dollars sent home by emigrants each year, has turned the spotlight on a group of men and women more accustomed to being ignored.

"This is finally the chance to ask them what we want them to do for us in the United States, and for our families back home," said Primitivo Rodriguez, a voting rights advocate in Mexico. "As Mexican Americans have dramatically decreased their dialogue with the Mexican government, this shows the growing presence of a new Mexican voice in the U.S."

The U.S. immigrants come largely from poor villages in half a dozen Mexican states. But they learn trades and earn American salaries, extending a strong influence over family and friends back home. Their success inspires more and more Mexicans to seek a better life up north. And their growing numbers trigger unease among many Americans.

Now they have the attention of Mexico's political leaders.

The leading presidential contender, according to polls, is Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, who stepped down last month as mayor of Mexico City to campaign full time. His campaign lieutenant first talked of a Southern California visit during the inaugural of Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa in July.

So far, none of the candidates have set dates, each apparently waiting to first see what the other is going to do.

Before the mail-in balloting was approved, Mexicans living abroad had to return to their homeland if they wanted to vote.

Now the stakes have risen. When Cuauhtemoc Cardenas, the founder of Lopez Obrador's left-of-center Democratic Revolution Party, or PRD, came to Los Angeles in May 2000 to campaign for president, he drew about 250 supporters to an Olvera Street rally.

If Lopez Obrador could plan his visit for Sept. 15, Mexico's Independence Day, "we'll have at least 100,000 people" lining the streets of Huntington Park, said Felipe Aguirre in a telephone interview from Maywood. The paralegal is the party's former California chairman.

Roberto Madrazo and Arturo Montiel, both seeking the nomination of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, known as PRI, will be their party's first rivals to campaign toe to toe in the United States when they visit Los Angeles this fall.

The PRI ruled Mexico for 71 years before losing the presidency in 2000 to Vicente Fox of PAN, the National Action Party.

Mexico allows only one six-year term, so Fox is supporting Santiago Creel, his former interior minister who resigned in June to campaign. Creel, who is the weakest of the front-runners according to polls, has not said whether he would campaign abroad.

Fox also came to California in May 2000, but skipped Los Angeles to give a speech to the state Senate in Sacramento.

This season, PAN's president, Manuel Espino, will visit Los Angeles this month, ostensibly to incorporate for the first time concerns of Mexico's many expatriates into the party's 2006 platform.

Madrazo, the PRI president, is also L.A.-bound. Norwalk die-maker Jose Angel Gonzalez, reached by telephone, said he and other PRI supporters were already preparing their questions.

For starters, he said: How about federal legislation allowing migrants living in the United States to hold office throughout Mexico? Right now, it is allowed only in the state of Zacatecas, where Gonzalez travels once a month to serve as a councilman in his hometown, Fresnillo.

"We want a proposal from him," said Gonzalez, 55, who has lived in Norwalk for more than 30 years. "People from Jalisco, Guerrero, they want the same opportunity."

He backs Madrazo but wants a chance to explain first-hand the difficulties facing Mexicans abroad.

"We see our people suffering," Gonzalez said. "Police tow away their cars because they cannot get driver's licenses. People are dying in the desert trying to get here. People in Mexico don't know what it's really like here."

Most of his friends support some form of amnesty for the millions of Mexicans living illegally in the United States, Gonzalez said. He would like Madrazo to negotiate the idea with President Bush.

"People who are here aren't going back, and employers need cheap labor," he said.

"Let's have temporary work permits for three months, six months, a year. If they're good citizens, then give them a chance to apply for a green card. That would take away the money in smuggling people across the border, and less people would die in the desert."

With Madrazo, one of the most powerful men in Mexican politics, facing opposition within his own party, he is more likely to listen to such demands, Gonzalez said.

Aguirre, of the PRD, said Lopez Obrador also would get a chance to prove he cared about Mexicans living abroad.

"He's never been a champion of immigrant rights," Aguirre said. "But he may come around now because of the campaign. If he wins over the migrants, that popularity could pull a lot of votes in Mexico."

Mexico's Federal Electoral Institute is working on plans to reach Mexicans living outside the country through consulates, the Internet and hometown civic organizations. Those immigrants with voter cards can request ballots by mail from Oct. 1 to Jan. 15. They must be mailed back to Mexico between April 2 and June 30.

The electoral institute said Friday it would spend $100 million on the mail-in balloting.

Mexican political consultant Alfonso Zarate said the influence of expatriates in the 2006 election would outweigh the number of ballots cast.

The vote abroad, he said, is largely symbolic, but "it's still important for candidates to make an appearance."

The best estimate of the number of eligible voters in the United States was drawn from surveys in the last year of Mexicans in line at consulate offices in seven U.S. cities by the Pew Hispanic Center, based in Washington. They reported that 42% of people polled said they held valid voter registration cards.

But center director Roberto Suro said the survey favored more recent immigrants. The percentage holding voter cards, he said, was much lower among Mexicans who had lived in the U.S. for several years or more.

How many registered Mexican voters are there in the United States? "My best estimate is in the mid-3-million range," he said.

As far as turnout, Suro wouldn't venture a guess: "You have to ask, 'What is the propensity to vote? How hard or how easy is it to register?' "

The law also gives 15 million or so Mexican Americans the right to cast ballots if they are willing to travel to Mexico with proof that one or more parents was born there, and then wait a couple of weeks for their voter-registration application to be processed.

As a practical matter, voting rights advocate Rodriguez said, "I don't expect Antonio Villaraigosa or Bill Richardson to vote in this election."



To: Tenchusatsu who wrote (246953)8/22/2005 3:26:11 PM
From: tejek  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1572206
 
In American West, elbow room has vanished

By Blaine Harden

The Washington Post

SIGNAL HILL, Calif. — Sure, it looks like sprawl.

From atop this hill near the Port of Long Beach, greater Los Angeles splays out through the midsummer haze as a low-rise suburban muddle stitched together by freeways.

But take a closer look: What you knew about sprawl turns out to be wrong.

The urbanized area in and around Los Angeles has become the most densely populated place in the continental United States, according to the Census Bureau. Its density is 25 percent higher than that of New York, twice that of Washington, D.C., and four times that of Atlanta, as measured by residents per square mile of urban land.

And Los Angeles grows more crowded every year, adding residents faster than it adds land, while most metropolitan areas in the Northeast, Midwest and South march in the opposite direction. They are the sprawling ones, dense in the center but devouring land at their edges much faster than they add people.

Odd as it may seem, density is the rule, not an exception, in the wide-open spaces of the West. Salt Lake City is more tightly packed than Philadelphia. So is Las Vegas in comparison to Chicago, and Denver compared to Detroit. Ten of the country's 15 most densely populated metro areas are in the West, where residents move to newly developed land at triple the per-acre density of any other part of the country.

"If you want elbow room, move to Atlanta or Charlotte or the countrified suburbs of Washington," said Robert Lang, director of Virginia Tech's Metropolitan Institute in Alexandria. "You probably aren't going to get it in the West. There, if you and your neighbor lean out your windows, you can hold hands."

This demographic pattern is having profound effects on housing construction, commuting and the quality of urban life.

In upper-income quarters of metro Los Angeles, density can be an aesthetic kick. When wedded to smart design and careful planning, it is a high-energy stimulant for suburban ennui, luring high-end stores, protecting open space and paying for toll roads that reduce traffic. But in poorer parts of the region, especially where large immigrant families have settled, density is a just fancy word for severe overcrowding.

Ten municipalities in the nation average more than four people per household — and nine of them are in greater Los Angeles, according to the Census Bureau. In these mostly older neighborhoods of tract houses, density has a way of turning garages into illegal apartments, while strangling public schools, overwhelming parks and choking streets with cars. Problems born of overcrowding also have a way of being ignored by politicians, since many residents are illegal or poor or both — and do not vote.




Sprawl sputters to a halt

Open space in the West has always seemed endless. But deserts, mountains, huge tracts of federally owned land and a pervasive lack of water make much of the region unlivable. As such, it has remained the most rural part of the country in terms of land use while becoming the most densely urban in terms of where people live.

Sometime around the early 1980s, greater Los Angeles collided with these unforgiving restraints.

Still, newcomers kept pouring into the Los Angeles Basin, at a rate of about 2 million to 3 million a decade. They had to live somewhere, and many could not afford to settle in — or did not want to drive for hours to — suburbs way out in the desert or on the far side of the mountains.

So sprawl sputtered to an unplanned and unheralded halt. Los Angeles began "densifying dramatically," even at its fringe, according to an analysis of federal population numbers by the Brookings Institution's Center on Urban and Metropolitan Policy.

From 1982 to 1997, as part of a uniquely L.A. phenomenon called "dense sprawl," an average of nine people occupied every acre of newly urbanized land in metropolitan Los Angeles, the Brookings study found. That is nine times the average in Nashville during those years, four times that of Atlanta and three times that of New York.

During these years, both the Washington, D.C., and Los Angeles areas gained population at a brisk 30 percent clip. But D.C.'s growth gobbled up rural land at about twice the pace of Los Angeles', the Brookings study found. As a result, D.C. had a 12 percent decline in overall density, compared with a 3 percent gain in Los Angeles.

Illusion of space

To understand how cheek-by-jowl Western living can seem both gracious and roomy, it is instructive to look in on Susan DeSantis. She lives in a three-bedroom town house perched on a ridge of the San Joaquin Hills near the Pacific.

The home shares walls on two sides with neighbors. Yet from its soaring living room, neighbors seem not to exist, hidden behind landscaping that is tended daily by gardeners. From large windows and from the patio, the eye is drawn to the sky, the distant hills and Newport Bay.

"There is light and there is openness," said DeSantis, 55, a consultant in urban planning and a former director of housing for the state of California. "With housing in pods like this, you can get angles for views and privacy. It is the density that allows these design features. I can see my neighbors, if they are out on their patio, but it is very rare."

DeSantis lives in Newport Coast, a gated, master-planned development in Orange County, the nation's most densely populated suburban county. Most of the housing in Newport Coast has been built at a density of about seven units per acre. That leaves nearly 80 percent of the development's 9,493 acres as open space — covered by chaparral, threaded with footpaths and overlooking the sea.

The master plan controls life in Newport Coast with a fussy rigor. It bans mortuaries, union halls and sanitariums for the mentally ill. It permits gazebos, tennis courts and therapy baths. An "opaque screen" must shield all parked cars from arterial highways. "All landscaping shall be maintained in a neat, clean and healthy condition," by order of the master plan.

What it lacks in flexibility, Newport Coast makes up for in convenience. A six-lane road feeds cars in and out of the development so efficiently, DeSantis said, that in the past nine years she has never seen it clogged with traffic. The road connects to a nearby toll highway, part of a regional system of toll roads that cushions many Orange County commuters from the traffic congestion that torments much of the region.

By car, DeSantis is five minutes from the ocean, 10 minutes from high-end shopping and 15 minutes from John Wayne Airport. She can also take commuter rail — a station is about 15 minutes away — to downtown Los Angeles or San Diego. Distances here are measured by time in a car. DeSantis said she has never once walked to a local grocery store, although the nearest one is 10 minutes away on foot.

Newport Coast is the final oceanfront piece in the largest private master-planned development in the United States. Begun in the early 1960s by the Irvine Co., it is eight times the size of Manhattan and covers a fifth of Orange County.

"The Irvine Company persuaded a fairly conservative, mostly Republican market to buy a lot of attached housing by creating a product that was predictable and well-built," said Ann Forsyth, a professor of urban design at the University of Minnesota and author of "Reforming Suburbia," a study of large planned communities. "But none of it is cheap."

Indeed, housing across Orange County is among the most unaffordable in the country. Just one out of 10 households earns the $165,000 a year needed to buy a median-priced house, which cost $702,000 in June, according to the California Association of Realtors. DeSantis bought her town house for $385,000 in 1996. Since then, she says, it has at least doubled in value. If she were buying now, she said, she could not afford Newport Coast.

Infill pioneers

Land for new development in the Los Angeles area is all but unavailable — at any price. Builders, though, have found a way to squeeze new housing into the old urban footprint. It is called "infill" and is widely viewed as the final frontier of home development in Southern California and across the urban West.

Emerson and Darci Fersch, along with their 18-month-old son, Ethan, are infill pioneers. Three years ago, they bought a townhouse on Signal Hill, a hump of once-scruffy industrial land encircled by the city of Long Beach and adjacent to the San Diego Freeway.

It has been dotted with wells ever since oil was discovered on Signal Hill in the 1920s. For much of that time, it has also been known as a dumping ground for machinery and unwanted pets.

"We thought: Wow, we don't want to live there," said Darci Fersch, 44, a legal assistant, recalling her reaction when she heard that middle-class housing was supplanting rubbish on Signal Hill.

But with a child on the way, she and her husband needed more space than they could afford in their beachfront neighborhood in Long Beach. They drove up the hill to take a look and were astonished. "Every last possible spot where someone could possibly stick a house was being improved on," said Emerson Fersch, 41, a financial planner.

Builders such as Bob Comstock, who builds only infill housing, had been busy using bioremediation to extract toxic chemicals from soil, outfitting houses with passive in-wall venting for clearing methane and working with an oil company so that new wells and new luxury homes could coexist as next-door neighbors.

"Until we got about halfway through the first phase of construction, the perception was that it was still a dump," said Comstock, whose company is the largest builder on the hill. "But after we started selling, we found that we could sell pretty much every unit in less than two weeks."

Signal Hill offers a rare breed of housing in Los Angeles County — infill with a view. Prices have risen accordingly.

The Fersch family bought their three-bedroom townhouse in 2002 for $385,000. They traded up this spring, selling the townhouse for $680,000 and paying $920,000 for a four-bedroom single-family house perched near the top of the hill.

Poor double up

There is another kind of infill. It occurs — without planning, rubbish removal or construction — when poor people pack into old houses and apartments. This is the single most important reason Los Angeles has become the nation's densest urban area, experts say.

Maria Sanchez is an expert on this kind of housing. She is one of nine members of an immigrant family from Guadalajara, Mexico, that lives in a two-bedroom apartment in Maywood, a one-square-mile patch of southeast Los Angeles County that is the densest city in California and probably the densest city in the West.

This summer, in one of the apartment's bedrooms, Sanchez, 42, is sharing a double bed with her mother and her father, both of them in their late 60s.

Her daughter, Yesenia, 19, sleeps in the second bedroom, along with her boyfriend, Raul, and their 2-year-old son, Raul Jr. In the living room, Sanchez' two sons, Efrain, 28, and Juan, 8, share a sofa bed with one of Sanchez' brothers.

"There is a lot more room for the kids to play back home in Guadalajara, but there is no work," Sanchez said. "We are better off here. We have enough to eat."

Efrain is the family's breadwinner. He makes about $90 a day deboning chickens in a processing plant within walking distance of the apartment.

By Maywood standards, there is nothing exceptional about the Sanchez family's living situation.

The city's white working-class population fled Maywood in the early 1980s and was replaced by Latino immigrants, most of them Mexicans from poor areas. Maywood's sewers, water lines, streets, schools and housing were built in the 1930s to serve a population of about 10,000. There are now at least 30,000 residents.

"It is futile to try to enforce laws against overcrowding," said David Mango, city director of building and planning. "When we go to a house and see six adults living in one room, they say, 'We are just visiting.' "

Squeezed out

The regionwide momentum toward density that has jazzed up life in Newport Coast and transformed Signal Hill from industrial dump to real-estate gold mine is also putting pressure on the Sanchez family.

Maria Sanchez learned a couple of weeks ago that her rent would increase in September, from $650 to $950 a month. She said that that is too much for her family and that she will soon start looking for another place to live.

Since there are no vacant apartments in Maywood that her family can afford, they will probably have to find another immigrant family and double up.


seattletimes.nwsource.com