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Strategies & Market Trends : John Pitera's Market Laboratory -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: John Pitera who wrote (7184)8/30/2005 12:57:38 AM
From: Jon Koplik  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 33421
 
WSJ -- Why Oil's Surge Hasn't Damped Global Growth .................................

August 29, 2005

Why Oil's Surge Hasn't Damped Global Growth

Prices, Interest Rates Stay Low, While Property Boom Keeps Consumers Spending

By BHUSHAN BAHREE
Staff Reporters of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL

The near-doubling of oil prices -- to $70 in the past 24 months -- has had surprisingly little impact on the pace of global growth, as other broad economic factors have helped damp the damage inflicted by previous oil-price shocks.

The global real-estate boom and a flood of cheap goods from Asia have enabled consumers, particularly in the U.S., to continue spending despite higher energy prices. The bond market has kept long-term interest rates low, providing a stimulus to the economy that has offset some of the restraint that sharply higher oil prices usually produce. And the Federal Reserve and other major central banks, enjoying the credibility that comes with their success in keeping inflation low, have held short-term lending rates relatively low, in sharp contrast with the oil shocks of the 1970s and 1980s.

Moreover, in contrast with past episodes, this surge in oil prices stems more from global economic vigor -- the strong demand for oil from China and the U.S. -- rather than producers' manipulative tightening of supply or fears about Middle East conflicts disrupting supply.

"The cost of continuing economic growth will be rising oil prices," says Philip Verleger Jr., an oil economist and senior fellow at the Institute for International Economics in Washington. Oil prices may well rise to $100 a barrel, but that alone wouldn't trigger a recession, Mr. Verleger says. The rise in oil prices "ends when the global real-estate bubble bursts."

While crude oil-prices recorded another record in nominal terms last night, the record in inflation-adjusted terms would be over $90 in April 1980. Energy futures spiked Sunday evening, as traders got a chance to react to the new and dire course charted by Hurricane Katrina. In overnight electronic trading on the New York Mercantile Exchange, October crude-oil futures opened up more than $4 from Friday's close of $66.13, topping $70 a barrel for the first time.

The oil industry Sunday braced for severe damage reports from Hurricane Katrina as the storm moved through the heart of the U.S. Gulf Coast oil-production and -refining system yesterday.

Any major supply disruption, whether from Katrina or another quarter, could quickly turn the present oil crunch from relatively benign to nasty if even higher prices force consumers and companies to curtail other spending to pay energy bills. That is a particular concern in the U.S., where consumers have drawn down their savings substantially and there are signs that the housing boom, which has helped stoke consumer spending, may be cooling off.

The price of oil has been rising for two well-known reasons: Supplies are constrained after years of underinvestment, and demand is booming as fast-growing nations gulp ever-more fuel. The puzzle for economists has been why the price increase hasn't done more to slow growth. Forecasts for economic output remain upbeat, with global gross domestic product on track to expand 4.3% this year, down from 5.1% last year, the fastest rate in a generation, according to International Monetary Fund data.

Oil-price spikes can hurt the economy by acting as a tax on consumption, forcing people to spend less on other goods, and by raising the costs and crimping the profits of companies. But on both fronts, broader economic forces have been offsetting the oil shock.

Global competition has helped keep inflation in check. Nearly one-third of the 3.2% increase in U.S. inflation in the past year, as measured by the consumer-price index, has been due to rises in energy prices, including gasoline, natural gas and heating oil, according to Bureau of Labor Statistics data.

Cheaper imported goods are replacing American ones or forcing U.S. manufacturers to hold down their prices. Imported goods from the Pacific Rim countries, which account for one-third of all U.S. imports, have fallen in price by 0.2% since December 2003, according to data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics.

Oil prices aren't boosting wage inflation either. In the oil shocks of a generation ago, companies indexed workers' earnings to inflation and doled out raises amid the rising oil prices.

"Global labor markets are keeping wages under control," says Joseph Quinlan, chief market strategist for Bank of America. But he adds that inflation is an increasing risk. The Fed targets core inflation, which strips out energy and food prices, and is now running at slightly over 2%, the top end of the Fed's comfort zone.

What's more, the wealth effect of the boom in housing prices alone has enabled many U.S. households to pay for pricier energy and continue spending more on everything else -- from clothing and cars to vacations. This year, at least, that trend is expected to continue.

In 2004, Americans extracted $140 billion from their homes in "cash out" mortgage-refinancing deals, in which they borrowed against the equity built up in their homes. Mortgage-finance company Freddie Mac expects them to draw an additional $162 billion this year through cash-out refinancing. Capital gains on home sales and booming home-equity loans have been additional financial resources for many households.

Gasoline consumption in the U.S. rose 1.6% in the latest four-week period from a year ago, even though prices at the pump were up 73 cents a gallon, or 39%, on the year. U.S. households spent about $276 billion on gasoline and oil on an annualized basis in the second quarter, nearly $76 billion more than two years ago, according to data compiled by the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis. But Americans also spent $41 billion more on clothing and shoes in the latest quarter compared with two years ago, not to mention tens of billions of dollars of additional outlays on furniture, health care and recreation.

The bigger energy bill is painful, of course -- but not enough to hobble the economy. Fed Chairman Alan Greenspan said in a speech in May that the rise in the value of imported oil -- essentially a tax on U.S. residents -- amounted to about three-quarters of a percent of GDP. "But, obviously, the risk of more serious negative consequences would intensify if oil prices were to move materially higher," Mr. Greenspan said.

Oil prices are now $16.30 a barrel above their May levels. Although the U.S. economy in 2004 was more than twice the size it was in 1979, the Energy Department says the nation consumed only 9% more petroleum, primarily because it has become more energy-efficient.

[This number (up 9% only) is so small ... I am worried it is a typo. If correct, it is pretty amazing.]

On Friday, Mr. Greenspan suggested he isn't very worried by the rise in energy prices: "The flexibility of our market-driven economy has allowed us, thus far, to weather reasonably well the steep rise in spot and futures prices for crude oil and natural gas that we have experienced over the past two years." But he also warned that the recent rise of stock and house prices reflects greater willingness by investors to accept risk, leaving markets vulnerable to an "onset of consumer caution."

The Department of Energy's rule of thumb suggests oil prices haven't risen high enough to cause recession. "Every 100% increase in the price of oil sustained over a year can reduce [U.S.] GDP growth by one point from what it would have been," says Nasir Khilji, an economist at the DOE's Energy Information Administration. Oil prices have risen by about 84% during the past two years, comparing the average price in the second quarter this year with the same quarter in 2003.

Also limiting the fallout has been the slow unfolding, over 2½ years, of this oil shock, which has allowed central bankers and consumers to manage the blow. In 1973-74 and 1979-80, prices tripled in just weeks or months after supplies were cut.

The sudden jumps in the 1970s came amid already high levels of inflation, and provoked quick and sizable interest-rate increases by central banks fearful of a runaway wage-price spiral. Officials at the Fed and other central banks have studied those shocks closely, and many have concluded that the sky-high interest rates were the primary cause of the recessions that followed.

After the first oil crisis in 1973, the U.S. federal-funds rates peaked at 13% in May 1974, up from 5.75%. As the Iranian revolution unfolded some years later and oil prices soared again, the federal-funds rate went from 6.5% at the start of 1978 to a peak of 20% in May 1981. Severe recessions ensued both times.


This time, amid the lowest rates of inflation in decades, the Fed kept trimming its funds rate until it reached a 46-year low of 1% in June 2003. It has been gradually raising the rate since June last year, with the latest increase in August bringing it up to 3.5% in a trend that is widely expected to continue.

Instead of oil prices driving monetary policy, policy may now be driving oil prices. "The Fed overstimulated the economy in 2002 and 2003," says James Hamilton, a professor of economics at the University of California at San Diego. "That had nothing to do with oil prices." But one consequence of the overheated economy was a rise in oil use and its price. Now, the ratcheting-up of short-term interest rates may result in a slowdown in the next six to nine months, Mr. Hamilton says.

--Greg Ip and Jon E. Hilsenrath contributed to this article.

Write to Bhushan Bahree at bhushan.bahree@wsj.com

Copyright © 2005 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved.



To: John Pitera who wrote (7184)9/12/2005 3:44:25 PM
From: John Pitera  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 33421
 
Slices of Risk How a Formula Ignited Market That Burned Some Big Investors

Credit Derivatives Got a Boost From Clever Pricing Model;
Hedge Funds Misused It Inspiration: Widowed Spouses

By MARK WHITEHOUSE
Staff Reporter of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
September 12, 2005; Page A1

When a credit agency downgraded General Motors Corp.'s debt in May, the auto maker's securities sank. But it wasn't just holders of GM shares and bonds who felt the pain.

Like the proverbial flap of a butterfly's wings rippling into a tornado, GM's woes caused hedge funds around the world to lose hundreds of millions of dollars in other investments on behalf of wealthy individuals, institutions like university endowments -- and, via pension funds, regular folk.


All this traces back, in a sense, to a day eight years ago when a Chinese-born New York banker got to musing about love and death -- specifically, how people tend to die soon after their spouses do. Therein lies a tale of how a statistician unknown outside a small coterie of finance theorists helped change the world of investing.

The banker, David Li, came up with a computerized financial model to weigh the likelihood that a given set of corporations would default on their bond debt in quick succession. Think of it as a produce scale that not only weighs a bag of apples but estimates the chance that they'll all be rotten in a week.

The model fueled explosive growth in a market for what are known as credit derivatives: investment vehicles that are based on corporate bonds and give their owners protection against a default. This is a market that barely existed in the mid-1990s. Now it is both so gigantic -- measured in the trillions of dollars -- and so murky that it has drawn expressions of concern from several market watchers. The Federal Reserve Bank of New York has asked 14 big banks to meet with it this week about practices in the surging market.

The model Mr. Li devised helped estimate what return investors in certain credit derivatives should demand, how much they have at risk and what strategies they should employ to minimize that risk. Big investors started using the model to make trades that entailed giant bets with little or none of their money tied up. Now, hundreds of billions of dollars ride on variations of the model every day.

"David Li deserves recognition," says Darrell Duffie, a Stanford University professor who consults for banks. He "brought that innovation into the markets [and] it has facilitated dramatic growth of the credit-derivatives markets."

The problem: The scale's calibration isn't foolproof. "The most dangerous part," Mr. Li himself says of the model, "is when people believe everything coming out of it." Investors who put too much trust in it or don't understand all its subtleties may think they've eliminated their risks when they haven't.

The story of Mr. Li and the model illustrates both the promise and peril of today's increasingly sophisticated investment world. That world extends far beyond its visible tip of stocks and bonds and their reactions to earnings or economic news. In the largely invisible realm of derivatives -- investment contracts structured so their value depends on the behavior of some other thing or event -- credit derivatives play a significant and growing role. Endless trading in them makes markets more efficient and eases the flow of money into companies that can use it to grow, create jobs and perhaps spread prosperity.

But investors who use credit derivatives without fully appreciating the risks can cause much trouble for themselves and potentially also for others, by triggering a cascade of losses. The GM episode proved relatively minor, but some experts say it could have been worse. "I think this is a baby financial mania," says David Hinman, a portfolio manager at Los Angeles investment firm Ares Management LLC, referring to credit derivatives. "Like a lot of financial manias, it tends to end with some casualties."


Mr. Li, 42 years old, began his journey to this frontier of capitalist innovation three decades ago in rural China. His father, a police official, had moved the family to the countryside to escape the purges of Mao's Cultural Revolution. Most children at the young Mr. Li's school didn't go past the 10th grade, but he made it into China's university system and then on to Canada, where he collected two master's degrees and a doctorate in statistics.

In 1997 he landed on the New York trading floor of Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce, a pioneer in the then-small market for credit derivatives. Investment banks were toying with the concept of pooling corporate bonds and selling off pieces of the pool, just as they had done with mortgages. Banks called these bond pools collateralized debt obligations.

They made bond investing less risky through diversification. Invest in one company's bonds and you could lose all. But invest in the bonds of 100 to 300 companies and one loss won't hurt so much.

The pools, however, didn't just offer diversification. They also enabled sophisticated investors to boost their potential returns by taking on a large portion of the pool's risk. Banks cut the pools into several slices, called tranches, including one that bore the bulk of the risk and several more that were progressively less risky.

Say a pool holds 100 bonds. An investor can buy the riskiest tranche. It offers by far the highest return, but also bears the first 3% of any losses the pool suffers from any defaults among its 100 bonds. The investor who buys this is betting there won't be any such losses, in return for a shot at double-digit returns.

Alternatively, an investor could buy a conservative slice, which wouldn't pay as high a return but also wouldn't face any losses unless many more of the pool's bonds default.

Investment banks, in order to figure out the rates of return at which to offer each slice of the pool, first had to estimate the likelihood that all the companies in it would go bust at once. Their fates might be tightly intertwined. For instance, if the companies were all in closely related industries, such as auto-parts suppliers, they might fall like dominoes after a catastrophic event. In that case, the riskiest slice of the pool wouldn't offer a return much different from the conservative slices, since anything that would sink two or three companies would probably sink many of them. Such a pool would have a "high default correlation."

But if a pool had a low default correlation -- a low chance of all its companies stumbling at once -- then the price gap between the riskiest slice and the less-risky slices would be wide.

This is where Mr. Li made his crucial contribution. In 1997, nobody knew how to calculate default correlations with any precision. Mr. Li's solution drew inspiration from a concept in actuarial science known as the "broken heart": People tend to die faster after the death of a beloved spouse. Some of his colleagues from academia were working on a way to predict this death correlation, something quite useful to companies that sell life insurance and joint annuities.

"Suddenly I thought that the problem I was trying to solve was exactly like the problem these guys were trying to solve," says Mr. Li. "Default is like the death of a company, so we should model this the same way we model human life."

His colleagues' work gave him the idea of using copulas: mathematical functions the colleagues had begun applying to actuarial science. Copulas help predict the likelihood of various events occurring when those events depend to some extent on one another. Among the best copulas for bond pools turned out to be one named after Carl Friedrich Gauss, a 19th-century German statistician.

Mr. Li, who had moved over to a J.P. Morgan Chase & Co. unit (he has since joined Barclays Capital PLC), published his idea in March 2000 in the Journal of Fixed Income. The model, known by traders as the Gaussian copula, was born.

"David Li's paper was kind of a watershed in this area," says Greg Gupton, senior director of research at Moody's KMV, a subsidiary of the credit-ratings firm. "It garnered a lot of attention. People saw copulas as the new thing that might illuminate a lot of the questions people had at the time."

To figure out the likelihood of defaults in a bond pool, the model uses information about the way investors are treating each bond -- how risky they're perceiving its issuer to be. The market's assessment of the default likelihood for each company, for each of the next 10 years, is encapsulated in what's called a credit curve. Banks and traders take the credit curves of all 100 companies in a pool and plug them into the model.

The model runs the data through the copula function and spits out a default correlation for the pool -- the likelihood of all of its companies defaulting on their debt at once. The correlation would be high if all the credit curves looked the same, lower if they didn't. By knowing the pool's default correlation, banks and traders can agree with one another on how much more the riskiest slice of the bond pool ought to yield than the most conservative slice.

"That's the beauty of it," says Lisa Watkinson, who manages structured credit products at Morgan Stanley in New York. "It's the simplicity."

It's also the risk, because the model, by making it easier to create and trade collateralized debt obligations, or CDOs, has helped bring forth a slew of new products whose behavior it can predict only somewhat, not with precision. (The model is readily available to investors from investment banks.)

The biggest of these new products is something known as a synthetic CDO. It supercharges both the returns and the risks of a regular CDO. It does so by replacing the pool's bonds with credit derivatives -- specifically, with a type called credit-default swaps.

The swaps are like insurance policies. They insure against a bond default. Owners of bonds can buy credit-default swaps on their bonds to protect themselves. If the bond defaults, whoever sold the credit-default swap is in the same position as an insurer -- he has to pay up.

The price of this protection naturally varies, costing more as the perceived likelihood of default grows.

Some people buy credit-default swaps even though they don't own any bonds. They buy just because they think the swaps may rise in value. Their value will rise if the issuer of the underlying bonds starts to look shakier.

Say somebody wants default protection on $10 million of GM bonds. That investor might pay $500,000 a year to someone else for a promise to repay the bonds' face value if GM defaults. If GM later starts to look more likely to default than before, that first investor might be able to resell that one-year protection for $600,000, pocketing a $100,000 profit.

Just as investment banks pool bonds into CDOs and sell off riskier and less-risky slices, banks pool batches of credit-default swaps into synthetic CDOs and sell slices of those. Because the synthetic CDOs don't contain any actual bonds, banks can create them without going to the trouble of purchasing bonds. And the more synthetic CDOs they create, the more money the banks can earn by selling and trading them.

Synthetic CDOs have made the world of corporate credit very sexy -- a place of high risk but of high potential return with little money tied up.

Someone who invests in a synthetic CDO's riskiest slice -- agreeing to protect the pool against its first $10 million in default losses -- might receive an immediate payment of $5 million up front, plus $500,000 a year, for taking on this risk. He would get this $5 million without investing a dime, just for his pledge to pay in case of a default, much like what an insurance company does. Some investors, to prove they can pay if there is a default, might have to put up some collateral, but even then it would be only 15% or so of the amount they're on the hook for, or $1.5 million in this example.

This setup makes such an investment very tempting for many hedge-fund managers. "If you're a new hedge fund starting out, selling protection on the [riskiest] tranche and getting a huge payment up front is certainly something that's going to attract your attention," says Mr. Hinman of Ares Management. It's especially tempting given that a hedge fund's manager typically gets to keep 20% of the fund's winnings each year.

Synthetic CDOs are booming, and largely displacing the old-fashioned kind. Whereas four years ago, synthetic CDOs insured less than the equivalent of $400 billion face amount of U.S. corporate bonds, they will cover $2 trillion by the end of this year, J.P. Morgan Chase estimates. The whole U.S. corporate-bond market is $4.9 trillion.

Some banks are deeply involved. J.P. Morgan Chase, as of March 31, had bought or sold protection on the equivalent of $1.3 trillion of bonds, including both synthetic CDOs and individual credit-default swaps. Bank of America Corp. had bought or sold about $850 billion worth and Citigroup Inc. more than $700 billion, according to the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency. Deutsche Bank AG, whose activity the comptroller doesn't track, is another big player.

Much of that money is riding on Mr. Li's idea, which he freely concedes has important flaws. For one, it merely relies on a snapshot of current credit curves, rather than taking into account the way they move. The result: Actual prices in the market often differ from what the model indicates they should be.

Investment banks try to compensate for the shortcomings of the model by cobbling copula models together with other, proprietary methods. At J.P. Morgan, "We're not stupid enough to believe [the model] is omniscient," said Andrew Threadgold, head of market risk management. "All risk metrics are flawed in some way, so the trick is to use a lot of different metrics." Bank of America and Citigroup representatives said they use various models to assess risk and are constantly working to improve them. Deutsche Bank had no comment.

As with any model, forecasts investors make by using the model are only as good as the inputs. Someone asking the model to indicate how CDO prices will act in the future, for example, must first offer a guess about what will happen to the underlying credit curves -- that is, to the market's perception of the riskiness of individual bonds over several years. Trouble awaits those who blindly trust the model's output instead of recognizing that they are making a bet based partly on what they told the model they think will happen. Mr. Li worries that "very few people understand the essence of the model."

Consider the trade that tripped up some hedge funds during May's turmoil in GM securities. It involved selling insurance on the riskiest slice of a synthetic CDO and then looking to the model for a way to hedge the danger that the default risk would increase. Using the model, investors calculated that they could offset that danger by buying a double dose of insurance on a more conservative slice.

It looked like a great deal. For selling protection on the riskiest slice -- agreeing to pay as much as $10 million to cover the pool's first default losses -- an investor would collect a $3.5 million upfront payment and an additional $500,000 yearly. Hedging the risk would cost the investor a mere $415,000 annually, the price to buy protection on a $20 million conservative piece.

But the model's hedge assumed only one possible future: one in which the prices of all the credit-default swaps in the synthetic CDO moved in sync. They didn't. On May 5, while the outlook for most bond issuers stayed about the same, two got slammed: GM and Ford Motor Co., both of which Standard & Poor's downgraded to below investment grade. That event caused a jump in the price of protection on GM and Ford bonds. Within two weeks, the premium payment on the riskiest slice of the CDO, the one most exposed to defaults, leapt to about $6.5 million upfront.

Result: An investor who had sold protection on the riskiest slice for $3.5 million had a paper loss of nearly $3 million. That's because if the investor wanted to get out of the investment, he would have to buy a like amount of insurance from somebody else for $6.5 million, or $3 million more than he was getting.

The simultaneous investment in the conservative slice proved an inadequate hedge. Because only GM and Ford saw their default risk soar, not the rest of the bond world, the pricing of the more conservative slices of the pool didn't rise nearly as much as the riskiest slice. So there wasn't much of an offsetting profit to be made there by reselling that insurance.

This wasn't really the fault of the model, which was designed mainly to help price the tranches, not to make predictions. True, the model had assumed the various credit curves would move in sync. But it also allowed for investors to adjust this assumption -- an option that some, wittingly or not, ignored.

Because numerous hedge funds had made the same credit-derivatives bet, the turmoil they faced spilled over into stock and bond markets. Many investors worried that some hedge funds might have to dump assets to cover their losses, so they sold, too. (Some hedge funds also suffered from a separate bad bet, which relied on GM's bond and stock prices moving in tandem; it went wrong when GM shares rallied suddenly as investor Kirk Kerkorian said he would bid for GM shares.)

GLG Credit Fund told its investors it lost about 14.5% in the month of May, much of that on synthetic CDO bets. Writing to investors, fund manager Jean-Michel Hannoun called the market reaction to the GM and Ford credit downgrades too improbable an event for the hedge fund's risk model to capture. A GLG spokesman declines to comment.

The credit-derivatives market has since bounced back. Some say this shows that the proliferation of hedge funds and of complex derivatives has made markets more resilient, by spreading risk.

Others are less sanguine. "The events of spring 2005 might not be a true reflection of how these markets would function under stress," says the annual report of the Bank for International Settlements, an organization that coordinates central banks' efforts to ensure financial stability. To Stanford's Mr. Duffie, "The question is, has the market adopted the model wholesale in a way that has overreached its appropriate use? I think it has."

Mr. Li says that "it's not the perfect model." But, he adds: "There's not a better one yet."

Write to Mark Whitehouse at mark.whitehouse@wsj.com1