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Politics : American Presidential Politics and foreign affairs -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Peter Dierks who wrote (1698)8/31/2005 12:11:59 AM
From: Peter Dierks  Respond to of 71588
 
'Comparable Worth'
Liberals pillory John Roberts for having opposed a silly idea.

BY LINDA CHAVEZ
Saturday, August 27, 2005 12:01 a.m. EDT

Two decades have passed since feminists lost their battle for "comparable worth," a bureaucratic scheme that would have replaced the free market in determining wages. But recent headlines on the John Roberts nomination make it seem like the mid-1980s all over again. "Roberts Resisted Women's Rights: 1982-86 Memos Detail Skepticism" inveighed the Washington Post; "Critics Say Women's Issues Could Be Pitfall for Roberts," intoned the Chicago Tribune. USA Today weighed in with "Roberts Joked about Equal-Pay Request."

At issue were comments in a memo Mr. Roberts wrote while a young White House lawyer in 1984. Asked to recommend whether the Reagan administration should remain neutral on comparable worth, he called the idea "staggeringly pernicious" and "anti-capitalist." He was right. Nonetheless, comparable worth, repudiated by policy makers and courts 20 years ago, has been revived as a stick with which to beat a seemingly invincible nominee.

Comparable worth was intended to eliminate the gap between the earnings of men and women. Feminists argued that only hidden discrimination could explain the relatively lower wages in female-dominated occupations, like librarians, compared with male-dominated jobs, like electricians. Under comparable worth, employers would be required to rate jobs according to abstract notions of intrinsic value based on years of education required for a given job, the level of responsibility it entailed, and working conditions involved. In a free market, however, wages--like prices--are set primarily by supply and demand. Diamonds are not intrinsically more valuable than water (which is necessary to sustain life). But diamonds are in short supply relative to demand, which is why a one-carat solitaire costs a whole lot more than a bottle of Evian. Similarly, it may seem "unfair" that tree-trimmers earn more than day-care workers, but the relative supply of the former compared with the latter explains the differential.

Comparable worth is no mere variant of equal pay for equal work, which has been the law since 1963. It is illegal for an employer to pay a woman less than a man to trim a tree or to hire a male day-care worker at a higher salary than a female; it is also illegal to bar women from tree-trimming or men from day-care work. Yet for complex social and historical reasons, men and women still tend to do different jobs, although this is less true today than it was in the mid-'80s. In 1983, fewer than 6% of employed engineers were women; by the late '90s, that number had almost doubled to 11%, still far short of parity.

The "remedy" is not to pay less for jobs that are dominated by men but to encourage more women to become electricians or tree-trimmers. This was the conclusion of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights after extensive research and public hearings in 1985 when I directed the agency. We opposed comparable-worth legislation and lawsuits, arguing that such efforts would actually discourage women from breaking out of sex-stereotyped roles and undermine the free market system.

The commission wasn't alone in its skepticism. Congress also demurred on comparable worth (although the Democrat-controlled House did pass a bill authorizing a study of the issue), and the appellate courts rejected the concept outright. A current member of the Supreme Court, Justice Anthony Kennedy, helped deliver the death-blow to comparable worth when he was on the Ninth Circuit. The case involved public employees in Washington state, where it was alleged that those in job categories filled mostly by women were paid less than those held predominantly by men.

"The state did not create the market disparity and has not been shown to have been motivated by impermissible sex-based considerations in setting salaries," wrote Justice Kennedy in a unanimous opinion from the most liberal appeals court. His comments didn't bar him from the Supreme Court two years later, nor should Mr. Roberts' be held against him by feminists sore that they lost their battle for comparable worth two decades ago.

Ms. Chavez, president of the Center for Equal Opportunity, directed the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights during the Reagan administration.

opinionjournal.com



To: Peter Dierks who wrote (1698)8/31/2005 12:14:19 AM
From: Peter Dierks  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 71588
 
The measure of Roberts's conservatism is what he won't do on the bench.

BY MANUEL MIRANDA
Monday, August 29, 2005 12:01 a.m. EDT

According to our liberal friends, we can be certain that as soon as John Roberts takes his seat on the Supreme court, he'll set about undermining civil rights, workers' rights, environmental protections and abortion rights. Judge Roberts's allies, particularly among the French-cuffed GOP spokesmen in Washington, have generally responded to this litany by telling us that John Roberts is the most qualified nominee--ever!

From listening to Judge Roberts's supporters, one might think that conservatives have a secret agenda because of how little they say. Some conservatives, especially pro-life leaders, have been corralled by White House surrogates for fear that if they speak their minds they will scare the horses. This overcaution is a missed opportunity that underestimates the American people. It reflects laziness and cowardice. Conservatives should be addressing the liberals' arguments head-on.

The American people should be told, first of all, that when liberals say "civil rights," they mean mostly lucrative trial-lawyer-driven employee grievances, the rights of convicted murderers, and the continued use of divisive racial quotas. When liberals say "women's rights," they mean that parents have no right to know when a man impregnates their minor daughter and takes her for an abortion. When liberals assail Judge Roberts about the issue of equal pay for women--which is the law--they really mean that government should dictate how much every worker is paid. When liberals speak of environmental and worker rights, they mean unlimited federal government regulatory power over local governments and the private sector.

Last week, Ralph Neas of People for the American Way, Judge Roberts's most automatonic opponent, came out officially against him. The Committee for Justice's Sean Rushton responded by putting out a list of positions that People for the American Way, under Mr. Neas's leadership, has taken in various court cases. Among the things he opposes: parental choice in education, voluntary prayer in public places, pornography filters on public library computers, regulation of hard-core Internet porn and even restrictions on simulated child porn. Not that Mr. Neas is a negative fellow. He supports deleting "under God" from the Pledge of Allegiance, redefining marriage to include same-sex couples, enfranchising felons, forcing openly gay scoutmasters on the Boy Scouts, partial-birth abortion, judicially imposed tax hikes, removing the Ten Commandments from public places, and, of course, racial quotas in college admissions.

When President Bush announced Judge Roberts's appointment last month, some conservatives feared he would turn out to be another David Souter. As it turns out, after the release of 75,000 pages of his writings, Judge Roberts appears to be as politically conservative a nominee as anyone could want. Today liberal opponents have a wider range of issues to hang Roberts on even than when they opposed Robert Bork. Mr. Neas got it right last week when he observed that Judge Roberts had been at the "epicenter" of the Reagan revolution.

All this is good, and conservatives should say so. None of it, however, guarantees anything about what John Roberts will do on the Supreme Court. There is no promise that Roberts would vote to correct the error of Roe v. Wade, just to pick an example. The mark of a conservative judicial nominee, the kind that a Republican president is expected to nominate, is not what he will do, it is most of all, what he won't do. He will not rewrite the Constitution to invent new rights or to justify new federal powers.

I'd bet good money that in cases of religious liberty John Roberts will not further limit the free-exercise clause in favor of the establishment clause; that he will not look favorably on federal government usurpations of local government functions; and that he will not allow an act of congress that overreaches past constitutional authority to stand.

If I said what John Roberts will do, I would sound like a liberal. I would be treating Judge Roberts as if he were a politician. If our federal judges were elected, that might be justified. But they are not. Telling Americans what Judge Roberts will not do, by contrast, describes honestly what we should expect of a Supreme Court justice under a Constitution of enumerated rights and powers. It also helps people to understand why they vote, or should vote, for a conservative president. If it turns out that Judge Roberts should also come to correct, in a judicious manner, the mistakes of the past, it will be delicious icing, but not the cake.

Mr. Miranda, former counsel to Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist, is founder and chairman of the Third Branch Conference, a coalition of grassroots organizations following judicial issues. His column appears on Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays.

opinionjournal.com