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Politics : Formerly About Advanced Micro Devices -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Road Walker who wrote (254302)10/8/2005 5:07:23 PM
From: Taro  Respond to of 1572508
 
Zactly!
You should have stayed out of the discussion from scratch, John.

But then again that would have deprived me of the scarce opportunity of finding you in agreement with me on anything ever.
"Legal immigration is a good thing".

Taro



To: Road Walker who wrote (254302)10/8/2005 6:22:59 PM
From: tejek  Respond to of 1572508
 
re: Question is if the growth in illegal resident immigrants...

Why did I bother...


Stick to the view of the lake from his new house and you will be fine.



To: Road Walker who wrote (254302)10/8/2005 8:01:49 PM
From: tejek  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 1572508
 
Bush Call to Expand Military Powers at Home Seen as Unnecessary, Political

by Niko Kyriakiou

SAN FRANCISCO - President Bush recently suggested that the military be given broader powers to deal with domestic crises like Hurricane Katrina or a potential bird flu epidemic, but emergency response and security groups in the U.S. say the military already has the power it needs to provide both relief and protection to citizens, and question whether the president's real motives aren't political.

In mid-September, after Katrina and the subsequent civil disorder struck New Orleans, President Bush told the nation that the military should play a bigger role in such major domestic crises.

"It is now clear that a challenge on this scale requires greater federal authority and a broader role for the armed forces--the institution of our government most capable of massive logistical operations on a moment's notice," the president said, in an address to the nation from Jackson Square in New Orleans.

But relief groups doubt whether giving the military police power in emergency situations would really increase Americans' safety.

"With images of soldiers in New Orleans carrying M-16s but no medical or relief supplies fresh in the public memory, the president would still have us believe that a military response is the preferred response," said Mary Ellen McNish, general secretary for the American Friends Service Committee, in a statement on the Committee's Web site.

The Committee, which has worked in disaster areas and war zones for almost 90 years, says the military is no substitute for trained relief and reconstruction personnel and accused the president of chasing after more money for the Pentagon.

"Relief work cannot be a military add on. Public safety is too important to be used in a ploy to prop up ballooning military expenditures and a failed foreign policy of global dominance," McNish said.

"The answer is not to embed disaster response even more deeply in the 'war on terror' bureaucracy," she said.

Earlier this week, Bush asked Congress to review the Posse Comitatus Act of 1878, which prohibits the armed forces from engaging in police-type work within U.S. borders.

"I'm concerned about what an avian flu outbreak could mean for the United States and the world," he said at a news conference in the Rose Garden on Tuesday.

"One option is the use of a military that's able to plan and move," he said. "So that's why I put it on the table. I think it's an important debate for Congress to have."

The World Health Organization reports that the avian flu virus, which has killed millions of birds, has claimed about 60 human lives.

While the disease has been limited to Asia so far, the Bush administration's top health official warned this week that an outbreak in the U.S. could cause anywhere from 100,000 to 2 million deaths, according to the New York Times, and President Bush said a military response could be needed in that case to enforce a quarantine of infected persons.

On Thursday, the U.S. senate added nearly $4 billion to a Pentagon spending bill to purchase vaccines for approximately half of the U.S. population.

The American Red Cross said it had not yet reviewed the implications of a change to Posse Comitatus and was not prepared to comment on it. However Jana Zehner, a spokesperson, said that the Red Cross was not dissatisfied with the response to Hurricane Katrina made by the police, National Guard, or the military.

Some security groups and military experts, for their part, have questioned what benefit granting the military domestic police powers could bring in responding to crises such as an avian flu pandemic.

"I cannot imagine U.S. troops surrounding a town where avian flu has broken out with fixed bayonets to prevent people from getting out of the town--that's just nuts," says retired army Lieutenant General, Robert G. Gard.

But Gard says the main argument against changing Posse Comitatus is that the military can already serve as police in domestic emergencies, although only in the gravest circumstances.

Under the current system, the military is allowed to offer all kinds of logistical support during domestic crises, but cannot engage in policing, says Gard, who is now the senior military fellow at the Center for Arms Control and Non-Proliferation in Washington, D.C.

"The point that's often made about deploying troops in a time of disaster is that they have a good logistic capability to quickly deploy food, shelter, and supplies, and you can already do that," Gard says.

As a first recourse, when state and local police are overwhelmed, governors are able to deploy National Guard troops stationed in their state, or they can call in additional Guard personnel from neighboring states if their own troop levels are low (as they may be due to deployments overseas).

But in those rare cases when none of these security bodies are able to contain a problem, then the president--regardless of a governor's objections--may deploy federal troops to stop a breakdown in law and order, as permitted under the Insurrection Act.

"If you have a situation like New Orleans with chaos and looting--with insufficient local law enforcement to do the job--federal forces can be employed under the Insurrection Act," according to Gard.

In 1992 President George H. W. Bush invoked the Act by sending troops to Los Angeles to contain riots following the acquittal of police officers accused of the beating of Rodney King. Likewise, the current President Bush used the Act to override Possee Comitatus when he put armed, active duty troops in airports following 9-11.

Thus a weakening or removal of Possee Comitatus would not mean an increase in security as much as a change in command away from the states and to the president, Gard says.

Many security experts believe the Insurrection Act should remain a final option.

"The military should be involved in domestic problems as little as possible--as a last resort, not a first resort," says John Isaacs, President of Council for a Livable World, an arms control organization based in Washington, DC

"We have huge domestic security forces, the national guard and the reserves. They should be first priority."

Problems also arise when the military act as police, Isaacs says, since their training does not prepare them for policing--in fact, it prepares them for the opposite: combat.

The military, in all likelihood, wants no part of the job, says retired Lieutenant General Gard.

"The last thing the active army wants to get involved in is policing its own citizens," he said.

With governors, relief groups, security groups, and in all probability, the military itself against the idea of expanding its duties to include domestic police work, it seems that President Bush stands relatively alone in his recommendation for expanding military power.

Unable to find logic in Bush's purported reasons for requesting that Congress review Posse Comitatus, some observers, like General Gard, attribute more political motives to the president.

"He's trying to recover from the fact that there was a failure, both local and nationally, in responding to Katrina," Gard said.





To: Road Walker who wrote (254302)10/8/2005 8:15:45 PM
From: tejek  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 1572508
 
Gas-supply bill fuels outbursts in House

By Richard Simon

Los Angeles Times

WASHINGTON — The House yesterday approved legislation designed to spur construction of oil refineries, the first major congressional response to rising energy prices and tight supplies after Hurricane Katrina.

The bill passed 212-210, but only after House GOP leaders extended the roll call from a scheduled five minutes to about 40 minutes to round up the votes. Partisan tensions boiled over, with Democrats shouting "Shame! Shame! Shame!" to protest the prolonged vote.

The measure was approved after its Republican sponsors dropped the most contentious provision — relaxing pollution rules for refinery projects — in response to moderate Republicans' threat to vote against the bill and possibly kill it.


Still, every Democrat who was present voted no, contending the legislation, which faces an uncertain fate in the Senate, was designed more to shield the Republican-controlled Congress from political fallout from high gas prices than to bring down fuel costs.

"Don't go home and tell your constituents you did anything for them. In truth, you haven't," said Rep. James McGovern, D-Mass.

Supporters of the measure said that Hurricanes Katrina and Rita made clear that the country needed more refineries, including new ones outside of the Gulf region. No new refinery has been built since 1976, although large refineries have been expanded to meet growing demand.

"We haven't built a new refinery in a generation. We need more," said Rep. Fred Upton, R-Mich.

Highlights

The House-passed version of "Gasoline for America's Security Act" would:

Require the Federal Trade Commission to investigate price-gouging after a disaster and give the agency authority to impose fines of up $11,000 per violation.

Streamline government permits for refineries and open federal lands, including closed military bases, for refinery construction.

Limit the number of gasoline blends refiners have to produce, eliminating many blends now designed to reduce air pollution.

Waive federal, state and local fuel-additive requirements after a natural disaster that disrupts supplies.

The Associated Press
Senators are drafting their own proposals, including offering tax breaks to encourage refinery construction and expansion.

What act requires

The House-passed "Gasoline for America's Security Act," or the GAS Act, would direct the president to designate sites, including former military bases, for new refineries and streamline the permitting process. It also would limit the different gasoline blends produced to meet clean-air rules, an effort to make it easier to move fuel from one region to another during supply shortages. Different regions of the country use different blends.

In addition, it would require the Federal Trade Commission to investigate price-gouging after a disaster and give the agency authority to impose fines of as much as $11,000 per violation.

The bill also would direct the Department of Energy to promote car-pooling and create a $2.5 million ad campaign to alert drivers of gas-saving techniques. Critics have scoffed at these measures as weak and called on Congress to mandate tougher miles-per-gallon rules for vehicles.

"Perhaps worst of all, the bill still does virtually nothing to limit the nation's growing demand for oil: the core cause of price spikes," said Rep. Sherwood Boehlert of New York, one of 13 Republican opponents.

The measure is among energy-related bills that have shot to the top of the congressional agenda since Hurricane Katrina knocked out refineries in the Gulf Coast region, where about half of the U.S. refining capacity is located.

DeLay still wields power

As a sign of the bill's difficult prospects in the Senate, House Republican leaders were forced to scramble just to get enough votes from their own caucus.

If rank-and-file Republicans wondered what role former House Majority Leader Tom DeLay, R-Texas, would play after his recent indictments on money-laundering and conspiracy charges, yesterday's theatrics provided the answer.

Even without a leadership title, DeLay made it clear he will still wield power. He was present for the whole vote, pressing dissenting Republicans, especially Rep. Roscoe Bartlett, R-Md., who fidgeted with his voting card as DeLay pushed for his assent.

"It was a heck of a performance to turn this around," said Rep. Michael Castle, R-Del., one of the Republicans who joined 196 Democrats and one independent to nearly defeat the measure. "The lesson was that nothing's changed."

The Washington delegation split along party lines on the vote, with all Republicans voting for it and all Democrats voting against.

A half-hour after the vote was called, 15 Republicans had voted no, and the bill appeared headed for defeat. Then, after 38 minutes, Rep. Bill Young, R-Fla., switched to yes. A minute later, Rep. Jim Gerlach, R-Pa., switched to yes, after receiving assurances that a provision that calls on taxpayers to cover a refinery's legal bills if it is vindicated in court would be stripped out, according to Gerlach spokesman John Gentzel.

Moments later, Rep. Jeb Bradley, R-N.H., approached the front of the House chamber to change his vote from yes to no, only to find himself ignored as he motioned for attention. House Minority Whip Steny Hoyer, D-Md., jumped forward to wildly shout that a member wanted attention.

"You see him. You recognize him," Hoyer shouted, finally allowing Bradley to switch and momentarily give the opponents the upper hand. Then, under heavy pressure, Rep. Wayne Gilchrest, R-Md., switched his vote to yes, and the vote was gaveled shut. A tie would have killed the bill.

"The Democratic leadership wanted to embarrass Republicans politically instead of helping the energy needs of the Gulf Coast," said Ron Bonjean, a spokesman for House Speaker Dennis Hastert, R-Ill.

Democrats were not about to let the political opportunity slip by.

"A vote that was supposed to take five minutes took more than nine times that long because the indicted Republican leader of the House of Representatives needed extra time to twist the arms necessary to pass a bill that is against the interests of the American people, against consumers, against taxpayers and against the environment," said Rep. Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif.

Whether the legislation will be enough to spur the building of the first U.S. refinery in 30 years is uncertain. Currently, the nation's 148 refineries operate near capacity, producing about 17 million barrels of crude oil a day, about 4 million barrels short of the nation's daily consumption.

In a letter to lawmakers, the National League of Cities, the U.S. Conference of Mayors, the National Association of Counties and the National Conference of State Legislatures contended that the legislation would "pre-empt state and local government authority to site and permit oil refineries."

Material from The Washington Post and The Associated Press is included in this report.

seattletimes.nwsource.com