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Politics : Formerly About Advanced Micro Devices -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: tejek who wrote (258655)11/7/2005 5:39:42 AM
From: GUSTAVE JAEGER  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 1572505
 
No Justice, No Peace... NOW:

As rioting spreads, France maps tactics
By Craig S. Smith The New York Times

SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 6, 2005

PARIS
The French government met in emergency session Sunday evening to confront youth rioting that worsened on its 10th night, sweeping close to the heart of Paris from Arab- and African-populated suburbs.

President Jacques Chirac called a special meeting of top officials, including the prime minister, Dominique de Villepin; the interior minister, Nicolas Sarkozy; and the ministers for defense, justice and economy.

"Today the highest priority is the return of security and public order," Chirac said after the meeting. "The last word must be from the law."

He is under political and popular pressure to stop the rioting, which has spread to towns across France and resulted in 800 police interrogations, including those of boys as young as 13.

Almost 1,300 cars were destroyed in the violence across France on Saturday night. About a dozen cars were burned in Paris, the first time the unrest entered the capital.

Three were set afire near the Place de la République, northeast of City Hall and near the historic Marais district. One firebombing left a gaping hole nearby in a charred staircase.

Although 2,300 reinforcements have been pressed into service, the police were still unable to quell the sporadic lawlessness. Seven police helicopters buzzed over the Paris region through the night Saturday, filming disturbances and directing mobile squads to incidents. Firefighters were active.

In Clichy-sous-Bois, a low-income suburb where the protests began after the accidental deaths of two teenagers, the mood was vengeful and defiant on Sunday afternoon.

"This is just the beginning," said Moussa Diallo, 22, whose parents emigrated to France from Mali. "It's not going to end until there are two policemen dead," said Diallo, who did not admit to taking part in the vandalism himself.

Rampaging youths have also attacked property in cities as far away as Toulouse and Marseille in the south, the resort towns of Cannes and Nice on the Riviera, and Strasbourg to the east. The police describe these as copycat attacks.

Because they are dispersed across the country, the attacks are harder for the police to control, yet the destruction is also decentralized. Through Sunday, close to 3,500 vehicles have been torched.

The authorities have been deeply frustrated by their inability to stop the civil unrest that appears to be the worst in France since the student revolt of 1968.

Villepin called in police officers and teachers working in deprived areas for talks. He has consulted widely but has released no details of a promised action plan for 750 tough neighborhoods.

"I'll make proposals as early as this week," the weekly newspaper Journal du Dimanche quoted him as saying.

The Socialist Party leader, François Hollande, said the riots were a failure of government policy and leadership.

"I want to hear Jacques Chirac today," Hollande told reporters. "Where is the president when such serious events are taking place?"

Sarkozy visited police officers overnight in the Essonne and Val-de-Marne areas near Paris.

Chirac has been under pressure even within his own governing party. Before his brief remarks Sunday, his only comment, transmitted via a spokesman last Wednesday, was that "tempers must calm down" and a warning that an escalation would be "dangerous."

While Chirac has guarded his words, Sarkozy has inspired enmity among the young rioters by calling them "scum."

Rioting started Oct. 27 with the deaths of the two youths, of Mauritanian and Tunisian background, who were apparently fleeing from the police. During the weekend, their parents issued a statement appealing for calm.

Government authorities have so far found no way beyond appeals and more police officers to address a problem with complex social, economic and racial causes. The country has a population of about 5 million Muslims, the most in Western Europe, among its nearly 60 million people.

"Many youths have never seen their parents work and couldn't hold down a job if they got one," Claude Chevallier, the manager of a burned-out carpet depot in the rundown Paris suburb of Aulnay-sous-Bois, said with asperity.

In its early days, the rioting appeared to spread spontaneously, but law enforcement officials said it was also being abetted by exhortations on the Internet. Worse, said Patrick Hamon, the national police spokesman, "what we notice is that the bands of youths are, little by little, getting more organized" and are sending attack messages by mobile phone texts.

Some sites on the Internet mourned the two teenagers; others issued insults to the police or warned that the uprisings would only give the anti-immigrant far right an opportunity.

Hamon said that in all, 3,300 buses, cars and other vehicles had been burned.

Some of the worst unrest overnight Saturday appeared to be centered on Évreux, 100 kilometers, or 60 miles, west of Paris, where at least 50 vehicles, shops and businesses and a post office and two schools were destroyed. Five police officers and three firefighters were injured in Évreux during clashes with the young rioters, Hamon said.

"This is too much, stop! Stop, do something else, but not this, not violence," a woman in Évreux appealed, according to Reuters.

The mayor of Évreux, Jean-Louis Debré, a Chirac confidant who is speaker of the lower house of Parliament, said at the scene: "A hundred people have smashed everything and strewn desolation. Well, they don't form part of our universe."

In Évry, south of Paris, a derelict building was found to contain 50 gasoline bombs, according to The Associated Press, quoting Jean-Marie Huet, a senior Justice Ministry official.

Many see the violence as a test of wills between Sarkozy and the young, mostly French-Arab rioters. Many immigrants and their children accuse Sarkozy of alienating young people by the way he has pressed a zero-tolerance anti-crime campaign, which features frequent police checks of French Arabs in poor neighborhoods.

He has ignored calls from many French Arabs to resign, and is keeping up the pressure.

During a visit to a police command center west of Paris on Saturday, according to local news reports, he told officers, "Arrests - that's the key."

The government has been embarrassed by its inability to quell the disturbances, which have called into question its integration model, which discourages recognizing ethnic, religious or cultural differences in favor of French unity.

iht.com



To: tejek who wrote (258655)11/7/2005 5:42:56 AM
From: GUSTAVE JAEGER  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1572505
 
No Justice, No peace... THEN:

Ten years after the Los Angeles Rebellion
No justice, no peace!

April 26, 2001 | Page 8

THIS MONTH
marks the 10th anniversary of one of the fiercest urban uprisings in U.S. history--the Los Angeles Rebellion. At the time, politicians and their media hacks focused on the property damage that took place. They did their best to discredit the uprising as "wanton destruction" and "mob brutality" carried out by "criminals" and "gangs."

But in reality, the LA Rebellion expressed in the most decisive terms the raging, accumulated bitterness caused by racism and class inequality. For everyone interested in social justice, it should be remembered as an inspiring example of working-class people refusing to be treated like animals--an upheaval in which, as left-wing writer Mike Davis put it, "a generation found that it can fight back."

KEEANGA-YAMAHTTA TAYLOR looks back at the LA Rebellion.

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

THE LA Rebellion was sparked by the unbelievable acquittal--by an all-white jury--of four white cops who had viciously beaten Rodney King, an unemployed, Black construction worker. There was no question of the cops’ guilt. An onlooker had captured the entire beating on videotape, which was replayed on televisions around the country.

The Rodney King case highlighted a simple fact: There’s no justice for Blacks in the U.S. Outrage swept across the country. No city was too big or too small to have organized protests on campuses and at city halls.

But the center of the upheaval was in South Central Los Angeles. LA had been particularly hard hit by the recession that began strangling the U.S. economy in 1990--a slump that became the longest economic downturn since the Second World War.

Black LA was especially hard hit, with unemployment for young Blacks jumping to 45 percent. Wrenching poverty, combined with corrupt police and an openly racist criminal justice system, created not only desperation, but intense anger.

This explains the most remarkable aspect of the LA Rebellion--that it involved not only Blacks, but also young Latinos, whites and Asians. As LA’s African American Mayor Tom Bradley said, "Most of the people who were engaged in the violence were young whites."

Of the first 5,000 people arrested by police, 52 percent were Latino, 10 percent were white and 38 percent were African American. Poll after poll showed the simmering discontent of both Blacks and whites in the wake of the King verdict.

A poll taken by USA Today showed that 100 percent of Blacks and 86 percent of whites thought that the verdict was wrong. Another poll found that 90 percent of Blacks and 63 percent of whites said that the King case was evidence of widespread racism in U.S. society.

The multiracial character of the uprising pointed to deepening class inequality. At the time, a record 24.5 million Americans received food stamps--with unemployment reaching 7 percent just before the riots. Studies revealed that family income had fallen 13 percent between 1973 and 1991.

But as conditions for the working class as a whole worsened, a social catastrophe was unfolding in Black America. One-third of Blacks--compared to 10 percent of whites--lived below the poverty line. Latinos faced only slightly lower rates of poverty at 26 percent.

Unemployment for Blacks jumped above 13 percent--and in the inner cities, it ranged from 34 percent to 50 percent.

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

UNLIKE THE urban rebellions of the 1960s, which occurred after more than a decade of civil rights mobilizations, the LA riots came after a period of decline for the left. This helps explain the immaturity of the rebellion, illustrated by its spontaneous explosion and just as rapid decline--and its negative aspects, such as attacks on Korean shop owners.

The media portrayed looting that focused on Korean-owned stores as a virtual pogrom. But the reasons behind these attacks were more complicated. For many Blacks living in South Central, the shop owners--who often charged inflated prices and treated Blacks unfairly--became a focus for their bitterness.

Tensions between Blacks and Koreans had come to a head a year before, when a shop owner shot and killed a 15-year-old Black girl in a fight over a bottle of orange juice. He was let off with a $500 fine and community service.

But while this explains the anger behind them, the attacks were still misdirected. Koreans may have been seen as "the middleman community between people in the ghetto--Black and Mexican--and big capital," as Davis put it. But they weren’t responsible for racism and police brutality. In fact, a segment of the Korean community supported the rebellion.

The targeting of Korean shop owners was a backward aspect of the LA Rebellion--and in sharp contrast to the multiracial, class nature that characterized it.

In many ways, the riots also underscored the deepening class divisions within Black America. The election of a Black mayor had done absolutely nothing to improve the conditions faced by poor African Americans in LA.

The same could be said of Blacks living in every major U.S. city with Black mayors, from New York to Chicago to Atlanta--life didn’t get better, and in most cases, it got worse.

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

MORE THAN anything, the LA Rebellion forced the political establishment to admit that racism was a problem in U.S. society. As the Wall Street Journal put it at the time: "Race is returning to the front burner."

And the rebellion certainly showed just how out of touch President George Bush was. Like Reagan, Bush’s political strategy had rested on denying that racism existed--while at the same time taking political race-baiting to new levels. From the racist stereotype of the "welfare queen" to the "war on drugs," Reagan and Bush stoked bigotry for 12 long years.

Now Papa Bush, who had been riding high with 90 percent approval ratings after his victory in the 1991 Gulf War, suddenly found himself in a fight for his political life as the economy crumbled.

The Democratic presidential nominee, Bill Clinton, used the rebellion--with the help of local Black politicians like U.S. Rep. Maxine Waters--to attack Bush and shore up his own campaign. Waters personally escorted Clinton through South Central LA as a campaign stop.

There, Clinton capitalized on hatred of Bush--at the same time as he attacked people who looted stores "because they do not share our values and their children are growing up in a culture alien from ours, without family, without neighborhood and without church, without support." The problem would be solved, Clinton declared, if the poor took more "personal responsibility."

Black political leaders and the liberal establishment threw their weight behind Clinton--using the LA Rebellion as an example of how desperate things had become under Bush, but accepting Clinton’s rhetoric about "personal responsibility." This proved disastrous.

Under Clinton, America’s prison population exploded to unthinkable levels. Police scandals were rampant throughout the 1990s, even as Clinton showered police departments with billions of dollars with his 1995 crime bill. And, as promised, "personal responsibility" became the order of the day, with Clinton adopting a Republican plan to dismantle the welfare system.

Mainstream Black organizations organized virtually no opposition to these attacks on poor and working-class African Americans. In fact, the factors that sparked the LA rebellion 10 years ago--racism and the ever-widening gap between rich and poor--exist today.

The LA Rebellion should serve as a reminder to the parasites at the top of society that ordinary people won’t simply accept racism, police abuse and poverty. And it should be a reminder to our side of the potential for ordinary people to explode into action--behind the slogan: "No justice, no peace!"

socialistworker.org



To: tejek who wrote (258655)11/7/2005 5:51:52 AM
From: GUSTAVE JAEGER  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1572505
 
Footnote to my post #258710 re:

The mayor of Évreux, Jean-Louis Debré, a Chirac confidant who is speaker of the lower house of Parliament, said at the scene: "A hundred people have smashed everything and strewn desolation. Well, they don't form part of our universe."

Well, as I once put it, it's not up to ghetto immigrants to tune themselves to French society --it's France's middle- and upper-middle-classes that must adjust to their multiracial environment. It's French elites who are the misfits --not underclass immigrants! It's up to Europe to adapt to our "brave multiracial global village", not the other way around....

Gus