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Politics : American Presidential Politics and foreign affairs -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Peter Dierks who wrote (3115)1/16/2006 1:37:15 AM
From: paret  Respond to of 71588
 
The American House of Saud
by Steven Emerson

New York: Franklin Watts, 1985. 448 pages. $18.95

The Wall Street Journal May 2, 1985
Reviewed by Daniel Pipes

danielpipes.org

After the price of oil quadrupled in 1973, Syria and other Arab states put pressure on Saudi Arabia to use its new wealth against Israel. Part of the Saudi government's response was to lead a campaign against support for Israel in the U.S.
On their own, however, the Saudis lacked the connections and savvy to affect American-Israeli ties. To make up for this, the Saudi state recruited help. In The American House of Saud (Franklin Watts, 448 pages, $18.95), Steven Emerson, a journalist and former staff member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, chronicles anti-Israeli activities undertaken in recent years by prominent Americans who were receiving or prepared to receive Saudi money.
What perturbs Mr. Emerson is not pro-Saudi bias as such; his opinions on the Arab-Israeli conflict are kept out of The American House of Saud. Nor does he seem to have a quarrel with Arab-Americans (nor their Jewish counterparts) who lobby for their beliefs. Rather, he attacks the arrangement by which paid agents surreptitiously forward the goals of a foreign government while ostensibly trying to promote American interests.
To test this book's reliability, I sent letters to seven of the people accused by Mr. Emerson of mischief. In only one case - a State Department official who wrote a book on Saudi Arabia - did I receive an even partly convincing denial.
Among the leading lights named in this expose is J. William Fulbright, who wrote an article about the Camp David Summit in 1978 in which he advocated a position very similar to that of the Saudi government. The article was published in Newsweek, where Mr. Fulbright identified himself only as a "former U.S. Senator {who} practices law in Washington, D.C." Actually, he was at the time a registered agent of the Saudi government, and he listed his Newsweek article with the Justice Department as one of his activities undertaken on the Saudis' behalf. When I asked him to address Mr. Emerson's accusation of impropriety, Mr. Fulbright gave only the evasive answer that his article "had no reference whatsoever to legal representation of Saudi Arabia" by his law firm.
A number of former ambassadors to the Arab countries are on the Saudi payroll. Mr. Emerson documents that one of them, Andrew I. Killgore, said in public that his company did not do public relations work for Saudi Arabia when in fact it did. Offered a chance to respond, Mr. Killgore did not deny the charge. Instead he accused me of wishing to "silence" him.
A second former ambassador, John C. West, rushed to Miami in April 1982. His task? To keep Saudi Prince Turki, accused of fighting with the police, out of jail. How? By winning retroactive diplomatic immunity for him. Mr. West's motive? According to Mr. Emerson, since 1981 Mr. West had been retained by a Saudi firm for $10,000 a month. Responding to this information, Mr. West wrote that he does not represent the Saudi government-leaving open the possibility that he might represent private Saudi interests.
Mr. Emerson also notes that the West Foundation, set up by Mr. West, had previously received $500,000 from "a Saudi citizen" and that Prince Turki later donated an undisclosed amount. Asked to comment, Mr. West would not name the contributors to the West Foundation.
James E. Akins, a third former ambassador, adopts such a tough pro-Arab stance that he often appears "more pro-Arab than the Arab officials," says Mr. Emerson. For example, in 1981 Mr. Akins rebuked Sheik Zaki Yamani, the Saudi oil minister, for disavowing links between Saudi oil production and U.S. policy in the Middle East. Mr. Emerson implies that Mr. Akins was "attempting to reinforce the Arabs' blackmail of the United States" as a means of winning more petrodollar business for himself. Mr. Akins did not respond to my repeated efforts to hear his side of the story.
Other major figures tagged by Mr. Emerson as having joined the chase for Saudi money include Spiro Agnew, Bert Lance and Jimmy Carter. Mr. Emerson argues that Mr. Agnew - previously well disposed toward Israel - began fulminating against "Zionist influences in the United States" as part of his successful effort to attract Saudi business. He shows that Bert Lance received a $3.5 million loan from a Saudi financier, which he did not sign for. Subsequently, Mr. Lance spoke of "the great Jewish ownership of the press." And Mr. Emerson juxtaposes Jimmy Carter's effusive praise of the Saudi government in 1983 with the willingness of a Saudi financier to pick up the $50,000 tab for a Carter Presidential Library benefit.
There are other disturbing conjunctions. Mr. Emerson alleges that top officials of Reader's Digest met with representatives of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries in January 1975 and offered to run some favorable articles about OPEC for a fee of up to $4,530,000. Reader's Digest says that it meant only to sell advertising to OPEC. But the book notes that a European editor with no responsibility for advertising attended the meeting.
Mr. Emerson implies that the blame for the duplicity he describes falls more on the Americans who do the dirty work than on the Saudis who employ them. That's a tough call. What is clear is that Mr. Emerson has uncovered a grand deception.



To: Peter Dierks who wrote (3115)1/16/2006 2:54:14 AM
From: sandintoes  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 71588
 
It's a shame, Bork never had his day in court.



To: Peter Dierks who wrote (3115)8/15/2006 10:18:47 AM
From: Peter Dierks  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 71588
 
'Ten Years and Out'
The case for term limits for judges.

BY JOHN ANDREWS
Thursday, August 10, 2006 12:01 a.m. EDT

Americans' concern with a court system out of control has simmered for decades, never coming to a boil. The perennial frustration with judges rewriting the laws and the Constitution is like Mark Twain's comment on the weather--everybody talks about it but nobody does anything about it. That may be about to change in Colorado, if voters pass judicial term limits this fall.

Coloradans have long favored the principle that rotation in office can help curb the abuse of power. The state, along with Oklahoma, led the nation in 1990 by imposing term limits on the legislative and executive branches of state government; citizen initiatives later extended the limits to most local officials and to our congressional delegation--though the latter was struck down by the U.S. Supreme Court.

Judicial term limits have not met a great deal of legislative success. Provisions instituting them for judges were part of an omnibus judicial reform that I was unable to get past a Republican state Senate in 1999 and 2004. Impeachment proceedings against a constitution-flouting judge also failed in a Republican House in 2004. And a proposal for recall of judges was killed by the Democratic Senate last year.

But this year, reformers have gathered petitions with about 108,000 signatures, and recently set up a November 2006 vote on "10 years and out" for justices of the Colorado Supreme Court and judges of the Court of Appeals. The ballot initiative will almost certainly be certified in the coming days.

The petition drive was fueled by outrage at a blatantly political June 12 ruling of the state Supreme Court--relying on a technicality, the Court threw off the ballot a popular immigration-reform proposal. Other hot buttons include the justices' leniency to murderers in last year's Harlan and Auman cases; a judge in a custody dispute who restricted where Cheryl Clark could take her daughter to church, lest the child be exposed to "homophobia"; a 2003 decision favoring the teacher unions, snaring poor kids in bad schools; and the Taylor Ranch case, trampling property rights.

The last, Lobato v. Taylor, a property-claims ruling by the Colorado Supreme Court in 2002, is less notorious than Kelo, but its disruptive effect in clouding all Colorado land titles cannot be overstated. "We risk injustice elsewhere," a dissenting opinion warned, by accepting the plaintiffs' radical theory of "communal rights" as superior to "the sanctity of private property predictability and clarity of law." But the Democratic-dominated court did just that. With its requirement for notification of all potential claimants under old Spanish land grants (dating to 1863) in order to perfect a title, Lobato invites mischief across all 103,598 square miles of Colorado. Property-owners will hear a lot about this threat in coming weeks.

Up to 1965, Colorado was one of the many states that elected all their judges in partisan campaigns. We've since been on the so-called "Missouri merit" plan, where the governor appoints judges from a slate prepared by a nominating commission. Judges then face periodic retention elections, with "retain" or "do not retain" recommendations from a judicial performance commission. It sounds good, but fewer than 1% of all judges ever get dismissed by voters, leading to virtual life tenure with little accountability.

Our ballot issue, "Limit the Judges," would reduce the retention cycle to four years (after an appointee's first provisional term, which can be as short as two years), and cap total service at three terms, about 10 years or a bit longer depending on date of appointment. It applies only to Supreme Court justices, whose current retention cycle is 10 years, and Appeals Court judges, now on an eight-year cycle. District judges' terms are not affected.

This modest proposal has infuriated the bench and bar--aided and abetted, of course, by the media--who characterize it as radical, reckless, an assault on judicial independence and a dangerous politicizing of the courts.

It is none of those. We don't go back to elected judges, or change the merit selection process. We don't make it easier to remove a miscreant--or even merely unpopular--judge. We may not even shorten the average length of appellate court tenure, which is only about eight years now. All we seek to do is to balance the requirement for rotation in office, so it applies to all three branches of state government from now on. Why should the potential abuse of power or self-serving entrenchment by state senators, representatives, the governor and other elected executives be checked by a term limit, while the activism of the judiciary is not subjected to the same?

The judicial term limit plan has an additional provision, if the reform is approved this year, that would eject at the end of 2008 any incumbents on the two high courts who have already served 10 years or more. Limit the Judges, then, functions not only as a constitutional amendment but also a referendum on the performance of our robed policy makers.

Five of the seven state Supreme Court justices, all mostly liberal, would be gone in two years if the measure passes; likewise seven of 15 Appeals Court judges. The Colorado Bar Association bemoans a cumulative loss of 185 years' experience on the bench, but that argument may prove no more persuasive to voters in relation to the judicial branch than when it was previously deployed in vain for the legislative branch.

In my experience, term limits have helped make Colorado's legislature more respectful of the plain language of the constitution and more responsive to the sovereign will of the people. I believe term limits can yield similar benefits in our court system.

Robert Nagel, a law professor at the University of Colorado, argues that the imperial judiciary is self-stoking; that is, the legal system, by its very design, inexorably tends toward excess because it is sealed off from democratic forces. He recommends devising "other political checks" on the runaway courts. Colorado's judicial term limits, it seems to me, are a good start.

Mr. Andrews is chairman of the Limit the Judges campaign and former president of the Colorado Senate from 2003 to 2005.

opinionjournal.com