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Strategies & Market Trends : Mish's Global Economic Trend Analysis -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Chispas who wrote (44902)1/20/2006 10:20:02 PM
From: mishedlo  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 116555
 
Global: The Irony of Complacency
Stephen Roach (New York)

So far, so good, for an unbalanced world -- the sky has yet to fall. And the longer a lopsided global economy continues to chug along with impunity, the more the broad consensus of opinion becomes convinced that this is a sustainable outcome. This increasingly complacent mindset may be about to meet its toughest challenge: A likely turn in the liquidity cycle appears to be on a collision course with ever-widening global imbalances. This could well be a lethal combination that triggers the long-awaited capitulation of the American consumer -- heretofore the mainstay of a US-centric world.

With the benefit of hindsight, the hows and whys of a benign outcome for the world economy in 2005 are crystal-clear. Basically, it was another year of “follow the leader,” as a US-centric world continued to draw sustenance from the seemingly unflappable American consumer. Sure, there were a number of other factors that came into play elsewhere around the world -- namely, the apparent healing of the Japanese economy, an improvement in Euroland late in the year, and the ongoing boom in China. But suffice it to say, were it not for another year of solid support from US consumer demand -- our latest estimates put real consumption growth at an impressive 3.5% in 2005 -- the rest of a largely externally dependent world would have been in big trouble.

What did it take for the American consumer to deliver yet again? It certainly didn’t come from the traditional income-generating capacity of the US labor market. Private sector compensation outlays expanded only 2.5% in real terms over the 12 months ending November 2005 -- a full percentage point below trend and an especially disappointing outcome following the anemic pace of labor income generation in the first three years of this expansion. In fact, by our reckoning, in November 2005, private compensation remained nearly $390 billion below the composite trajectory of the past four US business cycles. With America’s internal income-generating capacity continuing to lag, US consumers once again tapped the home equity till to draw support from the Asset Economy. According to Federal Reserve estimates, equity extraction by US households topped $600 billion in 2005 -- more than enough to compensate for the shortfall of earned labor income. Comforted by this asset-based injection of purchasing power, consumers had little compunction in stretching traditional income-based constraints to the max. The personal saving rate fell deeper into negative territory that at any point since 1933, and outstanding household sector indebtedness -- as well as debt service burdens -- hit new record highs.

So much for what happened in 2005. The big question for the outlook -- and quite possibly the most important macro issue for world financial markets in 2006 -- is whether the American consumer can keep on delivering. My answer is an unequivocal “no.” Three factors lead to me to this conclusion, the first being the distinct likelihood that a shortfall in internal labor income generation persists. Specifically, I do not expect the US labor market to break the shackles of globalization and unwind the increasingly powerful global labor arbitrage that has played a key role in restraining employment and real wage growth over the past four years. Second, I believe that asset effects will be far less supportive to the American consumer in 2006 than has been the case in recent years. This reflects the likelihood of a distinct slowing in home equity extraction -- driven by the combination of moderating house price inflation and a sharp deceleration in home mortgage refinancing. Third, in an environment of subpar income generation, in conjunction with diminished wealth effects from the Asset Economy, the saving-short, overly indebted American consumer will instantly become more vulnerable to ever-present shocks. Look no further than 4Q05 for validation of the “vulnerability factor” -- a likely “zero” growth rate for real personal consumption expenditures in the immediate aftermath of a Katrina-related supply shock to the energy complex.

Of those three factors, the asset effect is most likely to be the swing factor for the US consumption outlook. This is precisely where the liquidity cycle comes into play. In my view, the froth in asset markets -- first equities in the late 1990s and, more recently, property -- is a direct by-product of a powerful surge in global liquidity. In 2005, our global liquidity proxy -- the ratio of the narrow money supply to nominal GDP for the G-5 (US, Euroland, the UK, Japan, and Canada) plus China -- rose to a level that we estimate to be nearly 60% higher than that prevailing in 1995. That may now be about to change. Courtesy of central bank policy normalization -- led by America’s Federal Reserve -- in conjunction with an important shift in the mix of global saving, there is good reason to look for a much slower flow from the global liquidity spigot in 2006.

A turn in the global liquidity cycle is likely to affect the American consumer through domestic and international channels. The domestic angle comes from a dramatic flattening -- and periodic inversion -- in the slope of the US yield curve. In my view, the slope of the curve matters a great deal in driving the equity-extraction effects of the Asset Economy. From the standpoint of financial intermediaries, a flatter curve alters the economics of the cut-rate lending programs that have been supporting such activities. A sharp recent deceleration of home mortgage refinancing activity -- down 45% from the mid-2005 peak -- is a perfect example of this development.

The international angle arises from a likely reduction in non-US saving, a natural outgrowth of increasingly successful efforts to stimulate domestic demand in the world’s major surplus saving economies -- Japan, Germany, and China. That would tend to absorb saving and, therefore, reduce the flows of private sector excess liquidity that have been recycled into dollar-denominated assets in recent years. That, in turn, would draw into question the overseas subsidy to domestic US interest rates, as well as the equity extraction fueled by such an abnormally low rate structure. Foreign central banks, of course, have the option to fill the void through official purchases of dollar-denominated assets. But, as recent public statements from monetary authorities in China and Korea suggest, the pendulum is swinging more toward increased diversification in the mix of foreign exchange reserve portfolios.

All this points to a shift in the non-US liquidity cycle -- a development that could have important implications for America’s massive current-account financing needs. That would then heighten pressure on the dollar and US real interest rates, thereby putting America’s equity extraction cycle under even greater pressure. That does not bode well for the income-short US consumer. Experience tells us it is usually unwise to bet against the American consumer. While I think there are compelling reasons to go against the grain in 2006, I do so with great trepidation.

Excess domestic liquidity is the high-octane fuel of the Asset Economy and the consumer-led growth dynamic it fosters. Excess global liquidity is also responsible for the funding of America’s massive current-account deficit. Yet as the liquidity cycle now turns, the rules of engagement in the Asset Economy are likely to meet their sternest challenge. That’s a big deal for the income-short US consumer, leaving households with little choice other than to cut back discretionary spending. From the start, that’s been the only real option for meaningful progress on the road to global rebalancing. The irony of complacency is about to strike again. The day of reckoning for an unbalanced world could be close at hand.

morganstanley.com



To: Chispas who wrote (44902)1/20/2006 10:29:34 PM
From: mishedlo  Respond to of 116555
 
Global: The Term-Premium Case for Higher Yields

Richard Berner (New York) and David Miles (New York)

The US yield curve has continued to move towards inversion along its length, with short-term rates this week temporarily moving above 10-year yields for the first time since just before the recession of 2001, and the inversion of the Eurodollar curve between June 2006 and June 2007 grew to 20 bp. But this inversion is different: Nominal and real yields are lower now than when the Fed started tightening in mid-2004, not just in the United States, but globally. If the bond market isn’t signaling a recession or at least much weaker growth ahead, then what are the sources of this cyclical ‘conundrum,’ and what are its implications for growth and monetary policy?

In our view, a decline in the “term premium” to near zero has been the major factor holding yields down over the past 20 months. We define the term premium as the excess of the yield on a longer dated (say, 10-year) note over the weighted average of expected short-term rates. On average, it is the extra return an investor earns by holding a ten-year note instead of rolling over a sequence of short-term deposits to the same maturity. In other words, the term premium compensates investors for the risks in holding the longer-duration security. The sharp decline in distant-horizon forward rates (such as 9-year forward 1-year rates) relative to 10-year yields suggests that term premiums have declined.

In the US, comparing surveys of expected future short-term rates with long-term rates points in the same direction. For example, Brian Sack of Macroeconomic Advisers points out that longer-term expectations of the path of monetary policy have been relatively stable over the past few years, while 10-year yields have declined steadily. Likewise, a variety of empirical models (augmented by survey data) that extract the change in the slope, level, and curvature of the yield curve suggest that it is a plunge in term premiums, and not a radically lower path for future monetary policy, that has depressed yields (see, for example, Don Kim and Jonathan Wright, "An Arbitrage-Free Three-Factor Term Structure Model and the Recent Behavior of Long-Term Yields and Distant-Horizon Forward Rates," FEDS Paper 2005-33).

None of this explains why term premiums have declined. In our view, that decline reflects the Fed’s and other central banks’ unusually forward-looking guidance about monetary policy. Other factors — such as swings in saving-investment balances, increased faith in central banks’ anti-inflation credibility and thus reduced inflation risks, the ‘Great Moderation’ implying reduced economic volatility, and incipient demand for long-duration debt by pension funds seeking to reduce asset-liability mismatches — may also have contributed to the decline in yields over a longer time frame. But their recent, cyclical role has in, our view, been limited; instead, these are important secular forces, and none has changed much in the past two years. We do expect that changes in pension accounting and funding rules will escalate future demand to satisfy pensions’ duration-matching needs, but so far, the increase has been small and slow in coming.

The idea that a recent surge in world savings has driven term premiums lower is, for example, not easily reconciled with the latest IMF data on estimated global savings rates. The latest IMF estimates of the global saving-GDP ratio show the recent levels now slightly below the average since 1980, and they have barely increased in recent years.

Of course, it is possible that savings have nonetheless risen relative to the desire to invest globally. But that seems more like an ex-post rationalization of falling yields rather than something for which there is independent evidence. Indeed, the savings glut story is consistent with almost any movement in actual savings and in that sense something of an empty theory. If world savings/investment is higher, the advocates can say it is because the supply of savings schedule has gone up relative to the demand for investment and driven real rates down. If world savings/investment goes down, they can say it is because the investment demand curve has fallen relative to supply of savings, and this is why real rates go down. In other words, whatever happens to actual levels of investment and saving is consistent with some version of the story.

What needs to be done to make the savings glut story really persuasive is to convincingly identify the world supply of saving and separately identify world demand for capital schedules and show that supply has moved up relative to demand. But our judgment is that there is no clear evidence to support that.

Figuring out what has driven term premia and yields down is not just an academic exercise. At issue is how much of the term premium compression is permanent and how much is temporary. By promoting price stability, by damping macroeconomic volatility, and by increasing what officials call the “transparency” of their communication to the public, the Fed has contributed to the permanent decline in the term premium, we think (see “Risk Premiums and the Fed,” Global Economic Forum, July 25, 2005). More scientifically, our rate strategy team confirms quantitatively and convincingly that Fed words and tactics in the current tightening cycle have been the primary factor behind an additional decline in the premium that may or may not last (see Graig Fantuzzi and Nilsson Kocher, “Resolving the Conundrum,” November 14, 2005). By splitting a regression of the yield curve on the real Federal funds rate into two distinct sub-periods —1990-2003 and 2004 to the present — they show two very different patterns; using the results of the earlier period suggests that the curve from 2-year to 10-year yields would be substantially steeper. The Fed’s language clearly telegraphed the pace of monetary tightening, and with ambiguity over pace gone, investors could profitably reach for yield.

Further parsing the term premium into nominal and real components, as have Kim and Wright, suggests that two-thirds of the decline in the term premium over the period since June 2004 has been real and only 30 basis points has reflected a decline in inflation premiums. We’d be the first to admit that this evidence is highly tentative, as have the authors. But pricing in the TIPS market approximately backs up that conclusion, unless one concludes that the market is seriously mispriced; ten-year break-even inflation is running about 230-250 bp, while US real yields stand at 2% and in the UK they are at 1%. If inflation risks have indeed dropped significantly, the cost of inflation insurance should be lower and TIPS yields should be significantly higher than they are. In fact, yields on inflation-proof bonds have fallen by roughly as much as, if not more than, yields on conventional bonds in most of the major markets.

In both the US and the UK, nominal bond yields on long dated conventional government bonds have fallen fairly substantially over the past three years or so. In the US, long dated Treasuries now yield about 4.5%. The average over 2002 was a bit under 5.5%. In the UK, long dated conventional bonds yield a little under 4% now and were at around 4.75% in 2002 (on average). In both countries, the fall in (real) yields on long dated inflation-proof bonds over this period has been greater than the fall in long dated conventional yields.

So the gap between nominal and real yields over this period -— which is some combination of expected inflation plus an inflation-risk premium — has in both countries increased. This makes the story that the fall in long yields is largely driven by much lower expected inflation and inflation volatility a bit hard to swallow. Another way to put this is to say that the data suggest that the fall in nominal yields is roughly accounted for by a fall in real yields, leaving limited room for the inflation factors to play a role. Falling real yields on inflation-proof French debt tell the same story.

Yields on long dated TIPS and French OATiS have come down from about 3.5% in 2001 and the first part of 2002 to about 2.5% in 2004 and to about 2% now (and a bit below that for OATiS). That's a fall of around 1.5% over the period since early 2002. Real yields on long-dated index-linked gilts over same period also fell by about 1.5% (from about 2.5 to under 1%). So the decline in real yields is comparable across these markets and in all cases is more than the fall in yields on conventional (nominal) bonds.

For market participants, this seemingly theoretical debate about the sources of lower yields is actually of critical importance. Those temporary factors compressing term premiums may be ending. Now that monetary policy is completely dependent on the inflation and growth outlook, and thus is inherently less certain, term premiums and long-term yields are likely to rise. Indeed, there is an ironic twist in the yield curve debate. Many fear that the flattening in the US yield curve is an omen of much slower US and thus global growth or even recession. They point to the tendency of the Fed to overdo tightening, the yield curve’s business-cycle forecasting prowess, the asset-driven nature of the US consumer, and evidence of a housing slowdown (see “Debating the Yield Curve,” Global Economic Forum, November 23, 2005).

But if a declining term premium — rather than the weighted sum of expected future changes in short-term interest rates — has recently contributed both to lower long-term yields and to a flatter yield curve, both imply faster, not slower, future growth, exactly the opposite of the traditional interpretation. And if the term premium has declined permanently for whatever reason, making the current structure of interest rates more stimulative than otherwise, then the Fed will have to raise short-term rates by more than otherwise to achieve its goals (see “Yield Curve Angst,” Investment Perspectives, November 23, 2005).

Despite our confidence about the validity of each of these assertions, recent experience of being wrong about yields has made us humble about the risks to this call. Among them: Secular disinflationary forces may overwhelm the cyclical factors boosting inflation. Term premiums may stay low for some time, reflecting the Fed’s measured approach.

But investors would do well to be mindful of risks in the other direction. A weaker dollar and the elimination of slack in the economy could combine to push inflation up more rapidly. Term premiums could unwind as rapidly as they have declined. And for market participants, three years of crying wolf about yields has bred market complacency about upside risks to interest rates.



To: Chispas who wrote (44902)1/20/2006 10:40:43 PM
From: mishedlo  Respond to of 116555
 
A dangerous bubble
Published: January 20 2006 02:00 | Last updated: January 20 2006 02:00

Something strange is going on in world bond markets, and nowhere more so than in the UK. Worldwide real interest rates on government securities have fallen to extraordinarily low levels. But real interest rates on long-dated British government gilts have fallen still further, to barely half the level in the US. This is a bubble on top of what may well be a global bond market bubble. It is threatening to cause lasting damage to UK pension provision and the value of the UK stock market.

Britain has a corporate pension crisis, caused by rising longevity and excessive reliance on high equity returns to meet liabilities. A bond market bubble makes this problem appear even worse than it is, frustrates efforts to resolve it and can cause regulation to have perverse consequences. Most worryingly of all, it may lead some companies to cut pension provision unnecessarily aggressively.

Under pressure from the regulator, companies are trying to close fund deficits, while matching assets more closely to liabilities to avoid future cash calls. This normally means shifting from equities into bonds. However, the wall of money chasing limited supply of long-dated securities is pushing returns to pitifully low levels: 0.6 per cent on the 50-year index-linked gilt. Buying ultra-long gilts now on such terms is not in the interests of companies or their employees.

Meanwhile, the collapse in yields is inflating the size of deficits under measures that use these yields to discount future liabilities. If employed in a mechanistic manner by the Pension Protection Fund, this analysis could force funds to make higher PPF payments under the new risk-based levy.

Such an approach can make it look as if there has been no progress in narrowing deficits in recent years. UK pension funds have benefited from the 73 per cent rise in the FTSE 100 index since its low in March 2003. But this has been largely offset by a 59 per cent fall in the real yield on UK long-term gilts over the same period.

Directors and trustees should consider precisely what this means. The cost of paying someone else to take on their pension promises has gone up more or less fast enough to offset market gains. But the cashflow cost of these obligations has not increased, and there are more assets to help fund them. There is no cause to panic and no need to base long-term decisions on corporate pension policy on today's bond market spot prices.

Much can be done to alleviate this problem. The Treasury should urgently issue more long-term index-linked gilts, while bankers should explore alternatives. The pension fund regulator and the PPF should exercise what discretion they have to avoid any perverse regulatory outcomes. If necessary they should follow the example of the Financial Services Authority in 2003, and suspend any distorting regulations until normal market conditions return.

news.ft.com