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Politics : American Presidential Politics and foreign affairs -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Peter Dierks who wrote (3463)1/9/2007 10:22:03 AM
From: Peter Dierks  Respond to of 71588
 
Bush recruits an expert on Presidential power.

Tuesday, January 9, 2007 12:01 a.m. EST

For a President said to be irrelevant, George W. Bush has certainly managed to hire a big name to be his next chief White House counsel. In recruiting Fred Fielding, Chief of Staff Josh Bolten has donned some necessary armor for the subpoena assault that is sure to come from Democrats in Congress.

Mr. Fielding replaces Harriet Miers, a Texan and personal friend of the President. Ms. Miers was an ill-fated nominee for the Supreme Court, but she served Mr. Bush well both on judicial selection and preserving Presidential powers. Both of those areas are likely to get fiercer as Democrats look to bloody the White House in the run-up to 2008.

It's hard to imagine a more experienced choice than Mr. Fielding on the subject of executive power. As deputy White House counsel from 1972 to 1974, he witnessed the modern low tide of Presidential authority as Richard Nixon was besieged by Watergate. And as Ronald Reagan's counsel from 1981 to 1986, he had to cope with a Democratic House that unleashed special prosecutors on the executive branch.

The "independent counsel" law has happily expired, but this Congress will be looking to assert itself in particular on war powers. Mr. Fielding understands the importance of fighting off such poaching--for the sake of Mr. Bush and the Office of the Presidency. This ought to mean recommending that Mr. Bush veto any weakening of last year's law on military tribunals, as well as resisting any further delegation of executive power to the judiciary for approving warrantless wiretaps of al Qaeda.

The question of responding to the avalanche of subpoenas will be more politically delicate. Congress has every right to conduct oversight of the executive branch, and the White House will be obliged to supply numerous documents. However, the principle of executive privilege is vital to Presidential decision-making, and preserving the privacy of that deliberative process will be one of Mr. Fielding's primary tasks.

Another duty will be offering Mr. Bush advice on judicial selection. The conventional Beltway wisdom is that Senate Democrats will block all but liberal nominees to the appellate courts, and that might be right. But the judges issue proved to be a good one for Republicans in both the 2002 and 2004 campaigns, and the White House shouldn't shrink from appointing capable members of the Federalist Society simply because they might not be confirmed.

This is an issue that deserves to be framed for 2008--all the more so if Mr. Bush gets another Supreme Court nomination. Democrats may want to block any Bush nominee, but they won't find it politically painless to do so if the President selects nominees as capable and conservative as Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Samuel Alito.

Amid all the Washington talk of "bipartisanship," the reality of our current political division means inevitable conflict. It's good to see Mr. Bush recruiting some experienced generals for the battles ahead.

opinionjournal.com



To: Peter Dierks who wrote (3463)1/29/2007 2:30:09 AM
From: Peter Dierks  Respond to of 71588
 
The Truth About Clarence Thomas
He's an independent voice, not a Scalia lackey.

BY JAN CRAWFORD GREENBURG
Sunday, January 28, 2007 12:01 a.m. EST

Clarence Thomas has borne some of the most vitriolic personal attacks in Supreme Court history. But the persistent stereotypes about his views on the law and subordinate role on the court are equally offensive--and demonstrably false. An extensive documentary record shows that Justice Thomas has been a significant force in shaping the direction and decisions of the court for the past 15 years.

That's not the standard storyline. Immediately upon his arrival at the court, Justice Thomas was savaged by court-watchers as Antonin Scalia's dutiful apprentice, blindly following his mentor's lead. It's a grossly inaccurate portrayal, imbued with politically incorrect innuendo, as documents and notes from Justice Thomas's very first days on the court conclusively show. Far from being a Scalia lackey, the rookie jurist made clear to the other justices that he was willing to be the solo dissenter, sending a strong signal that he would not moderate his opinions for the sake of comity. By his second week on the bench, he was staking out bold positions in the private conferences where justices vote on cases. If either justice changed his mind to side with the other that year, it was Justice Scalia joining Justice Thomas, not the other way around.

Much of the documentary evidence for this comes from the papers of Justice Harry Blackmun, who recorded the justices' votes and took detailed notes explaining their views. I came across vivid proof while reading the papers as part of my research for a book about how the Rehnquist Court--a court with seven justices appointed by Republican presidents--evolved into an ideological and legal disappointment for conservatives.

Justice Thomas's first term was especially interesting. He replaced legendary liberal icon Thurgood Marshall, and joined the court just a year after David Souter took William Brennan's seat. There appeared to be a solid conservative majority, with the court poised to finally dismember the liberal legacy of the Warren Court. But that year it instead lurched inexplicably to the left--even putting Roe v. Wade on more solid ground.

Justice Thomas's first year on the job brought to life the adage that a new justice makes a new court. His entry didn't merely change the vote of the liberal justice he replaced. It turned the chessboard around entirely, rearranging ideological alliances. Justice Thomas acted as a catalyst in different ways, shoring up conservative positions in some cases and spurring others--the moderate Justice Sandra Day O'Connor, in particular--to realign themselves into new voting blocs.

Consider a criminal case argued during Justice Thomas's first week. It concerned a thief's effort to get out of a Louisiana mental institution and the state's desire to keep him there. Eight justices voted to side with the thief. Justice Thomas dissented, arguing that although it "may make eminent sense as a policy matter" to let the criminal out of the mental institution, nothing in the Constitution required "the states to conform to the policy preferences of federal judges."

After he sent his dissenting opinion to the other justices, as is custom, Justices Rehnquist, Scalia and Kennedy changed their votes. The case ended up 5-4.

Justice Thomas's dissents persuaded Justice Scalia to change his mind several times that year. Even in Hudson v. McMillan, the case that prompted the New York Times to infamously label Justice Thomas the "youngest, cruelest justice," he was again, initially, the lone dissenter. Justice Scalia changed his vote after he read Justice Thomas's dissent, which said a prison inmate beaten by guards had several options for redress--but not under the Eighth Amendment's prohibition of "cruel and unusual punishment."

From the beginning, Justice Thomas was an independent voice. His brutal confirmation hearings only enforced his autonomy, making him impervious to criticism from the media and liberal law professors. He'd told his story, and no one listened. From then on, he did not care what they said about him.

Clarence Thomas, for example, is the only justice who rarely asks questions at oral arguments. One reason is that he thinks his colleagues talk too much from the bench, and he prefers to let the lawyers explain their case with fewer interruptions. But his silence is sometimes interpreted as a lack of interest, and friends have begged him to ask a few questions to dispel those suggestions. He refuses to do it. "They have no credibility," he says of critics. "I am free to live up to my oath."

But the forcefulness and clarity of Justice Thomas's views, coupled with wrongheaded depictions of him doing Justice Scalia's bidding, created an internal dynamic that caused the court to make an unexpected turn in his first year. Justice O'Connor--who sought ideological balance--moved to the left. With the addition of Chief Justice John Roberts and Associate Justice Samuel Alito, the court now is poised to finally fulfill the hopes of the conservative movement. As George W. Bush told his legal advisers early in his presidency, he wanted justices in "the mold of Thomas and Scalia." Interestingly, on President Bush's marquee, Justice Thomas got top billing.

Ms. Crawford Greenburg, legal correspondent for ABC News, is the author of "Supreme Conflict: The Inside Story for Control of the United States Supreme Court" (Penguin Press, 2007).

opinionjournal.com



To: Peter Dierks who wrote (3463)12/17/2007 11:41:28 PM
From: Peter Dierks  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 71588
 
Here Dumbs the Judge
Sen. Jon Kyl joins a left-wing effort to censor seminars for federal judges.

Monday, December 17, 2007 12:01 a.m. EST

The Senate has failed to fill a slew of judicial vacancies, including 17 that have been declared "emergencies" by the Judicial Conference of the United States. Not satisfied with that, some senators are now trying to restrict the ways judges receive continuing legal education and how often they can visit private law schools such as Tulane or Emory. For all their talk about being in favor of education, it looks as if some senators want to dumb down the judiciary.

Wisconsin Democrat Russ Feingold has teamed up with Arizona Republican Jon Kyl of Arizona, the new Senate minority whip, on an amendment to a judicial pay raise bill scheduled for a Senate vote this week. The bill itself aims to make federal judicial service more attractive to the best lawyers: Federal judges haven't had a pay increase beyond inflation in more than two decades, and soaring private-sector legal salaries make it increasingly difficult to attract the best talent for the federal bench.

But the Feingold-Kyl amendment would make it more difficult for sitting judges to attend seminars that would update them on new areas of legal analysis. It would flatly ban federal judges from attending anything other than a government-sponsored program. It appears to be a clever way for liberals to rewrite the rules so they can hobble distinguished legal programs for federal judges offered by Virginia's George Mason University and the Foundation for Research on Economics and the Environment, which partners with Montana State University in putting on its programs.

The two programs could argue that their affiliation with public universities means they shouldn't be covered by the new restrictions. Even though it receives private funding, George Mason's status as a state school gives it a stronger argument for being exempt than FREE has, but no doubt the issue would wind up in court for years. In the meantime, the ban would have a chilling effect on judges accepting invitations to their programs.

George Mason's program, whose faculty has included eight Nobel laureates is the best known, having trained over 4,000 judges. Five federal appellate courts and 20 state court systems have enlisted GMU to provide the academic content of their own annual conferences. GMU seminars feature some of the best scholars in the country on such subjects as the Founders and the work of John Stuart Mill. But because GMU also teaches judges how to apply economic and scientific analysis in the courtroom, liberal groups have long railed against the seminars, calling them "a way for corporations to reach out to judges" and taint their rulings. Mr. Feingold has long crusaded against what he calls "privately funded judicial education with an ideological agenda."

In truth, corporate sponsors account for less than 10% of the budget for George Mason's seminars. Judges must publicly disclose their participation, and George Mason doesn't sponsor any entertainment or recreation at the seminars. Judges are expected to absorb 500 to 600 pages of readings and attend 21 hours of seminars, spread over five days. Lecturers at the GMU conferences address only general principles of how the law intersects with economics; they do not discuss red-hot topics such as tobacco, asbestos litigation, abortion and racial preferences. Similar guidelines apply at the FREE seminars in Montana, whose lecturers have included former solicitor general Charles Fried and Nobel laureate Thomas Schelling, a co-founder of Harvard's Kennedy School of Government.

Judges of all persuasions agree on the value of the seminars. Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg wrote after participating in two of George Mason's programs: "For lifting the veil on such mysteries as regression analysis, and for advancing both learning and collegial relationships among federal judges, my enduring appreciation."

Justice Ginsburg and other jurists know that the issues confronting them are becoming more complex and often involve sorting out competing claims about scientific evidence as well as issues that go beyond traditional legal maxims. They understand the value and importance of keeping up with changes in the law, and a wide variety of groups representing all persuasions offer such training. It's just that George Mason and FREE do a better job than most at it, and that has attracted envy and enemies.

Critics of judges learning economic principles have been trying to shut down the programs for years. In 2000, Sen. John Kerry joined with Mr Feingold to push a bill that would have allowed universities to hold such seminars but only if they were approved by career bureaucrats at the Federal Judicial Center. The late Chief Justice William Rehnquist opposed the Kerry bill, saying it smacked of government censorship and would "dramatically" restrict the information flow available to judges. "The notion that judges should not attend private seminars unless they have been vetted and approved by a government board is a bad idea," he wrote.

James Q. Wilson, a well-regarded scholar at Pepperdine University who has taught at the George Mason seminars, notes that attempts to shut down it and similar legal education seminars have been inspired by the Community Rights Counsel, an environmental group that receives significant funding from left-wing financier George Soros. Mr. Wilson notes that the CRC is primarily concerned with helping governments enact environmental regulations "without worrying about the takings clause of the federal Constitution." In 2005, the CRC raised questions about the qualifications of John Roberts and Samuel Alito to serve on the Supreme Court, notwithstanding that both won top ratings from the American Bar Association.

The proposed amendment would also bar any federal judge from accepting more than $1,500 in food, lodging or other reimbursement for any travel event not sponsored by a government, and more than $5,000 in total a year. Many might not mourn the fact that Justices Antonin Scalia, Anthony Kennedy and Stephen Breyer couldn't attend subsidized conferences in Europe anymore. But such a limit would also discriminate against less well-known but respected judges who are asked most frequently to participate in academic conferences and moot courts at private law schools. Harvard Law will always attract top-flight judges, but Pepperdine or Boston University might have a hard time persuading them to come on their own dime. The overall limit of $5,000 would be quickly reached for the best-regarded judges, who are just the kind that moot court organizers want to attract. The travel limits would also be especially hard on judges who live away from major airline hubs, not to mention those from Alaska and Hawaii.

Given the origin of the opposition to legal education seminars that aren't sponsored by governments, it's a surprise to see Mr. Kyl, a staunch conservative, sign on to Mr. Feingold's amendment. If senators approve the amendment, they may think they're striking a blow for greater judicial integrity. But the effort to "insulate" federal judges from intellectual influences is foolish. Federal judges are supposed to be some of the most thoughtful and knowledgeable men and women in the country. The notion that they are in danger of having their thoughts corrupted by other people's opinions is absurd.

When the Constitution was adopted, lots of people worried that the federal judiciary would over time become aloof and removed from the everyday thoughts and concerns of the people. Putting federal judges in an intellectual straitjacket would only make the judiciary more aloof and less informed.

opinionjournal.com

Check the linked article.