SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : American Presidential Politics and foreign affairs -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Geoff Altman who wrote (3619)2/2/2006 5:57:45 PM
From: Peter Dierks  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 71588
 
Top ten hints that you are in a religion that demonstrates its insecurity through intolerance:

10. Your religion and its most holy writing demand that you make war against all who do not belong to it.

9. You beleieve that rioting, burning cars and sacking cities is an acceptable outlet for your frustration over not being employed in a socialist coutry that does not allow businesses to fire slackers.

8. You have a special tax for people who practice other religions.

7. You believe it is acceptable to rape women who do not dress as demurely as you demand.

6. Your leaders kill citizens to intimidate others into complacency or kill just for fun.

5. You think that people practicing another religion is an excuse to strap on explosive and blow them up along with yourself.

4. You believe that it is acceptable to rape women of other religions.

3. You are so intolerant of other, you expect them to tolerate your intolerance.

2. You kill people who try to convert your members.

1. You think that a cartoon is an excuse to go ballistic.



To: Geoff Altman who wrote (3619)2/2/2006 8:19:36 PM
From: sandintoes  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 71588
 
Speaking of cartoons, did you happen to listen to Sean today?

He was talking about the disgusting cartoon on the Wast. Post..about an American soldier with no arms nor legs...well you can read it.

washingtonpost.com

hannity.com



To: Geoff Altman who wrote (3619)2/20/2006 10:04:53 AM
From: Peter Dierks  Respond to of 71588
 
The Shiite Choice
Compromise and debate lead to democratic progress in Iraq.

Sunday, February 19, 2006 12:01 a.m. EST

It's become a cliché in some circles that Iraq won't be ready for "Jeffersonian" democracy any time soon. And maybe not. But the more we watch the political developments that the U.S. is fostering in Iraq, the more we see the kind of compromise and debate that are crucial to democratic progress.

The latest news is the orderly election last weekend of Ibrahim al-Jaafari as the Shiite Alliance's candidate to serve as Prime Minister for the next four years. Mr. Jaafari has been Prime Minister since the election of Iraq's interim government in January 2005, and he won the permanent nod by a single vote over Adel Abdel Mahdi of the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (Sciri). Mr. Mahdi, in turn, gracefully accepted defeat and congratulated Mr. Jaafari. "You should console me in this situation," Mr. Jaafari replied. "This is a big burden and a position of difficulties." He's certainly right about the latter.

Mr. Jaafari has been criticized as a weak leader. But to be fair, his government has only had a short time in office and has suffered from the stigma of being temporary. If he now goes on to win approval by Iraq's full parliament, his legitimacy will not be questioned and he'll have a fairer chance to show what he can do.

Though not the most inspiring of political personalities, Mr. Jaafari is well-liked by the Iraqi public and by his fellow political leaders. He delegates power and is willing to trust the skills of those around him. He has also never been associated with even a hint of corruption. And far from being a reformed Baathist, he has an untainted record of courageous opposition to Saddam Hussein's regime.

Of all the Shiite Alliance's conceivable choices for the post, Mr. Jaafari is also the least beholden to Iran. U.S. diplomats seemed to favor Mr. Mahdi for some reason. But unlike Sciri, Mr. Jaafari and his Dawa Party don't seem dependent on Tehran and are unquestionably indigenous Iraqi patriots.

Mr. Jaafari can also call upon a strong team already in office. We're particularly impressed with Defense Minister Saddoun Dulaimi, a Sunni brought in by the Shiite Alliance despite the Sunni boycott of the January 2005 vote. Mr. Dulaimi has overseen the growth of the Iraqi Army into a better fighting force and he is also uncorrupt and free of any ties to the Sunni insurgents. Another face who could return is Deputy Prime Minister Ahmed Chalabi. Although he didn't win a seat after leaving the Shiite Alliance to lead his own slate for December's vote, he has a good working relationship with Mr. Jaafari, as well as managerial skills and knowledge of financial markets.

Some degree of continuity will be important. The U.S. decision to cashier the postwar Governing Council in favor of Ayad Allawi and a team of unknowns in June 2004--only to see Mr. Jaafari and the Governing Council's other leaders win Iraq's first two elections--was unnecessarily disruptive and delayed the development of Iraqi institutions. The exception here is the Interior Ministry, which Mr. Jaafari delegated to Sciri and which has been credibly accused of mistreating some Sunni prisoners. That has to be cleaned up.

Speaking of Mr. Allawi, we hope he will stay in Iraq to lead the loyal opposition if he doesn't get a post in the new government. Many secular-minded Iraqis gave their votes to Mr. Allawi believing he was the U.S.-favored candidate, and they deserve a strong voice in parliament.

But whatever happens on that front, we trust that the closely divided vote in favor of Mr. Jaafari will allay Western fears of Iraq's domination by a monolithic, Iranian-linked Shiite bloc. The Shiite Alliance is a very uneasy coalition that includes leaders like Mr. Jaafari, Sciri's Abdul Aziz al-Hakim and rebel cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, who don't always get along.

And watching them all as a source of moral authority is the Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani, who has also shown himself to be an Iraqi patriot who opposes the imposition of an Iranian-style clerical government. In any case, the Alliance lacks the two-thirds majority in parliament to impose its will, so compromise with Kurdish, Sunni and secular Shiites will be essential to successful governance.

Mr. Jaafari's nomination for Prime Minister is the latest positive step in Iraqi political development--which includes two elections, negotiations to write a new and liberal constitution and a successful referendum on that document. We'll let the cynics decided if this qualifies as "Jeffersonian," or merely Iraqi pragmatism, but whatever it is we'll call it progress.

opinionjournal.com



To: Geoff Altman who wrote (3619)6/15/2007 12:13:09 AM
From: Peter Dierks  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 71588
 
'Terrorists Don't Like Art'
A visit to the last active gallery in Baghdad.

BY MELIK KAYLAN
Wednesday, June 13, 2007 12:01 a.m. EDT

BAGHDAD, Iraq--Among the agonies imposed on Baghdad by tormentors in the guise of self-appointed religious enforcers is the proscription of fun. Novelty, convenience, any kind of post-Quranic ease from hardship infuriates them. Ice cream is an abomination, as is mechanized garbage collection, because such delights didn't exist in the time of the prophet. A story is told that last year, on a road overtaken by jihadis, a DVD purveyor was ordered to close because DVDs didn't exist in the time of the prophet. "Neither did the BMW you drove up in," he responded. "When you come back and tell me again on a camel, then I'll listen." They shot him some days later, for his insolence.

Imagine, therefore, the onus of courage on anyone who dares open an art gallery, let alone keeps it running since January 2006 with 26 shows and as many receptions. Such a place exists: Madarat, the last active gallery in Baghdad, just up a side road next to the Turkish Embassy in the Waziriya district near the city center. Imagine the risks involved for patrons attending an opening--how to get there safely, and then how long to stay en bloc as a provocative target, even how much precious gas to use up for art's sake. We decided to go on a quiet day at the gallery, inconspicuously and with minimal protection, hoping to sneak through town unnoticed. I was accompanied by Karima, a sculptor of ceramics who knew the place. Just to be visible in the back seat of a car with a woman offers provocation enough in many neighborhoods--Karima made the throat-cutting gesture as illustration--so we took a circuitous route to improve our chances.

An hour or so later, we stopped just past the Academy of Fine Art, which, astonishingly, strives to keep its doors open part time. The security provided for Turkish Embassy, a fortified emplacement of soldiers on the street corner, supplies some incidental protection both to the academy and the gallery entrance. "Still," said Madarat's 37-year-old director, Hasan, a sad enthusiast smiling wanly through his dark mustache, "it's a matter of luck--40% determination, 60% luck--that we've escaped trouble here." Hasan, himself a graduate of the academy, paints moody, evocative canvases of interiors and landscapes that hang inside the gallery office.

According to Hasan, they haven't escaped trouble entirely. Several Madarat artists have been killed around Baghdad in sectarian shootings and by car bombs. And nearby, violence peaked just before the surge, with firefights up and down the main street, so he shut down the gallery for two months. The gallery itself, though, remains unscathed in one of the few mixed Sunni-Shiite neighborhoods that endure, though strife still engulfs the backstreets and bullets fly by. The gallery proper, a standard white box space, is hidden away. From the outside, you go first into a little bohemian open-air garden-café with a bar, past a large workmanlike copy of Rembrandt's "Nightwatch" hanging exposed to the elements, and then walk under a vine-bower to go inside--with music playing, it could be in New York's Greenwich Village or London's Camden Town.

The show on display was strikingly good: a dozen or more small-to-life-size rough bronzes, humanoid in appearance, with stumpy legs and stocky torsos elongating upward to a point. Semi-abstract, anthropomorphic, infinitely suggestive, they could pass muster in any top-drawer Western gallery. The prices ranged from $500 to $1,500--modest but a little pricey for Baghdad, it seemed.

"There is no realistic market here," said Hasan, "so artists dictate their prices based simply on cost of materials. Most of our collectors have moved abroad. When they do buy something, because they know the artist already, it usually means we must send works to them. But it's very difficult. Sometimes we sell to foreign buyers in Baghdad. Creating a new market or an image for an artist is now almost impossible. We do have a Web site, which was last updated in April due to problems with the server (www.artiniraq.org). Sometimes a businessman will buy an entire show and take it abroad to sell. But really we keep open because we get financing and everybody volunteers help.

"This sculptor now, for example, his name is Alwan Alwan, casts his own bronzes in his atelier and lets other artists use his place. He worked for a while in the ministry of culture under Saddam, but resigned during the embargo when everyone got poorer but freer."

Madarat is funded in part by a United Nations-related organization and in part by the gallery's parent body--Attitudes Society of Art and Culture, a post-Saddam Iraqi civic association with about 250 members. Only 37 remain in the country. "We are a nonprofit public service," Hasan says, "with many projects. We just try to keep a cultural life alive at all costs."

The gallery serves as a community center with various functions, such as concerts and panel discussions, and does the graphic-design work for civic posters and pamphlets. "Many other areas had galleries before, maybe 20 of them, often approved by Saddam, especially in wealthy Sunni areas," Hassan says. "But such areas are now full of extremists, so they all closed."

A visit to Hasan's friend Salam, one street over, shows how hard the task is. Salam opened his own gallery in 2004 and closed it in fear, in early 2006, after two employees were killed. It hasn't reopened since. "I invested everything," Salam says. The place remains pristine, perfectly curated with sculptures and paintings in several rooms untouched and unshown for eight months. "This street, there's no embassy; the terrorists run around," he says. "I am just a private project. I wait every day. The terrorists don't like art."

Mr. Kaylan writes about culture for The Wall Street Journal.

opinionjournal.com