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Politics : PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: tejek who wrote (728005)2/25/2006 4:38:37 PM
From: PROLIFE  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769667
 
Clinton, Hubbell, Huang and Riady

names sound familiar?

How about the Chinese and Clinton...remember them?

OH YEAH...and remember the IMPEACHED ONE??? CLINTON.

and the one fined and had his law license yanked? CLINTON



To: tejek who wrote (728005)2/25/2006 4:43:38 PM
From: PROLIFE  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769667
 
Campaign Finance Key Players:

The Riady Family

This profile was compiled from Washington Post and washingtonpost.com staff reports.

Headed by Mochtar Riady, this wealthy Indonesian family controls the Lippo Group – a giant Indonesian banking and real estate conglomerate.

From The Post:
• Riady Rejects Senate Panel's Allegations, Feb. 28, 1998
• Findings Link Clinton Allies to Chinese Intelligence, Feb. 10, 1998
• The Riadys' Persistent Pursuit of Influence, May 27, 1997
• Hubbell Meetings With Riady Draw Probers' Scrutiny, March 23, 1997
In February, the draft report by Republicans on the Senate committee that investigated campaign finance abuses alleged that Mochtar Riady and his son James "have had a long-term relationship with a Chinese intelligence agency."

But the report failed to back up the charge with specifics, and James Riady later denied that he or his company have any such ties.

The Riadys' links to Bill Clinton date back to Little Rock. In 1984, the Riady family bought a bank with Arkansas financier Jack Stephens. James, one of Mochtar's three sons, was dispatched to Little Rock to help run the operation, and reportedly first met Bill Clinton at one of Stephens's weekly lunches.

James Riady made about 20 visits to the White House after Clinton was elected in 1992. He met privately with the president three times. During one of those visits, former Lippo executive John Huang asked for Clinton's approval to move from the Commerce Department to the Democratic National Committee. On another visit, Riady urged Clinton to push trade with China.

And in 1994, a Lippo subsidiary reportedly paid Webster L. Hubbell $100,000. Hubbell, a former law partner of Hillary Rodham Clinton's, had left his Justice Department job in disgrace and was the focus of inquiries by Whitewater independent counsel Kenneth W. Starr. Starr later started investigating whether the coterie of Clinton friends who paid Hubbell were doing so to buy his silence.

While Riady lived in California, he also had close ties with Maria Hsia, who has been indicted on federal charges of laundering campaign contributions by the Hsi Lai Temple.

washingtonpost.com



To: tejek who wrote (728005)2/25/2006 5:09:51 PM
From: PROLIFE  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769667
 
uh 0hhhhh.

Dean’s Abramoff Tie

February 24th, 2006

Before Howard Dean huffed recently that “not one dime of Jack Abramoff’s money ever went to any Democrat,” he should have checked his own pockets.

By only the most Clintonesque parsing of words can Dean’s statement be considered passably accurate. And in a very real sense, he need look no further than his own failed presidential campaign’s accounts to see how funds tainted from Abramoff’s tribal lobbying dealings ended up in Democrats’ hands.

Even the Washington Post has admitted that Abramoff did not work in a vacuum on the controversial Indian tribal accounts. The Post went so far as to publish a chart of what it called the “A Team.”

Among the recipients of campaign contributions from A Team members: Howard Dean.

FEC contribution number 23991382452 lists a $1,000 donation to Dean by Greenberg Traurig lobbyist Ronald Platt, a member of the Post’s A Team, on June 30, 2003. At that time, lobbyist disclosure forms show Platt as working with Abramoff on two of the controversial tribal accounts: the Coushatta Tribe of Louisiana , and the Chitimacha Tribe of Louisiana . The forms show that Platt worked on a third controversial tribal account, the Sandia Pueblo, with other A Team members but not Abramoff.

Platt was far from alone as an A Team member who gave to Democrats. An in-depth review of campaign contributions made by Abramoff’s team of lobbyists shows that Democrats may actually have benefitted more than Republicans from their political donations.

The first thing that is striking upon review of the A Team political donations is how each individual lobbyist donated exclusively to only one political party. The second thing that one notices is how similar the total amounts are. From January, 2001 through March, 2004 – the time period that reports place Abramoff at Greenberg Traurig – seven of the 22 lobbyists that the Post cites as comprising the A Team donated $265,203 exclusively to Democrats (excluding a small amount to Greenberg Traurig’s in-house political action committee), while nine team members – including Abramoff – contributed $255,315 to Republicans. Federal records show no political contributions from six of the team’s lobbyists. (A quick editorial comment: Most reports about Abramoff’s political donations include contributions made by his wife, Pamela. Her donations to Republicans during this period totaled $29,000. They are not included in totals used in this report because contributions from spouses or family members of other A Team lobbyists could not be verified with certainty. They also are likely to be substantial as some are also in political and/or lobbying positions.)

The numbers are so close, that one can’t help but speculate that it could well be the result of forethought, a concerted effort to spread influence in both parties.

Among the Democratic recipients of A Team donations: the aforementioned Dr. Dean, Democrat Senators Clinton, Kerry, Daschle, Boxer, Baucus, Bayh, Breaux, Cantwell, Carnahan, Cleland, Conrad, Dodd, Dorgan, Feingold, Harkin, Hollings, Johnson (Tim), Landrieu, Leahy, Lieberman, Lincoln, Mikulski, Murray, Nelson, Pryor, Reed, Rockefeller, and Torricelli – who left the Senate in disgrace under the cloud of his own campaign finance scandal – as well as the Democratic Senate Majority Fund, a plethora of Democratic congressmen, and PAC’s that distributed funds across the Democratic Party landscape.

Additionally, one of the A Team members, Michael D. Smith, had his own political action committee. Smith, a former official in Al Gore’s 2000 presidential campaign, distributed $168,000 to Democratic candidates through his Winning Margins PAC from 2001-2004, the closest reporting period to the time Abramoff was at Greenberg Traurig, according to federal records.

Disregarding the PAC money, Smith’s personal donations to Democrats almost offset Abramoff’s contributions to Republicans. F.E.C. records show that Smith donated $117,417 to Democrats or to his–or the firm’s–PAC from January, 2001 through March, 2004. Abramoff gave $127,080 to Republicans during the same period.

Don’t expect to hear much about this in the traditional media.

For one thing, most journalists loathe lobsters.

No, not the succulent crustaceans served with melted butter. “Lobsters” is the pejorative term many reporters use for lobbyists.

(It is somewhat ironic that in an industry that–as a whole–decries anyone else’s use of such epithets, the use of them is fairly common. Public relations professionals are flacks. Lobbyists are lobsters.)

To the media elite, “lobsters” represent the antithesis of all they consider good. Journalists want openness–sunshine–in government. Lobbyists work behind the scenes out of the public view. Journalists like to believe they look out for the interests of the average guy. Lobbyists, they see as working only for moneyed special interests.

There is only one other group of people that draws the media’s venom as much as lobsters do. Journalists have a derogatory name for these people, too. They call them … Republicans.

americanthinker.com



To: tejek who wrote (728005)2/25/2006 5:19:30 PM
From: PROLIFE  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769667
 
February 24, 2006, 9:30 a.m.

The Abramoff Math Scandal

Krugman and The American Prospect claim that an increase in shady donations to Democrats of 115 percent is a 9 percent drop!

Try to imagine this scene taking place in the ivied halls of Princeton University. Economics professor Paul Krugman — who happens also to be America’s looniest liberal pundit — has decided it’s time to ask for a raise. So he marches into the office of Princeton president Shirley M. Tilghman and makes his demand.


“I was hired in September, 2000,” Krugman says. “I’ve been making $250,000 a year for six years. It’s time for a raise."

Tilghman says, “Okay, let’s make it $300,000 a year. And a reserved parking place for your very old Volvo, too.”

“What?” Krugman screams. “I asked for a raise and you gave me an 80 percent pay cut! And by the way, I ride my bike to school whenever I can.”

“But Dr. Krugman,” Tilghman ventures timidly. “Isn’t $300,000 a 20 percent raise from $250,000?”

“I’m an economics professor,” Krugman shoots back. “So let me straighten you out. $250,000 for six years is $1.5 million. And the $300,000 you are offering me is 80 percent less than that! You call that a raise?”

“Surely, professor,” Tilghman says, scarcely believing what she’s hearing, “you can’t compare all six years of your prior earnings to just the one year that I’m talking about.”

But Krugman can. In fact he’s done it before — and more than once. No, not in a salary negotiation, but most recently in his New York Times column of January 30 (subscription link via TimesSelect; free link via Truthout), when he tried to show that the Jack Abramoff scandal is a purely Republican affair. Here is Krugman, talking about how political contributions to Democrats from Indian tribes who employed Abramoff don’t really count:

A study commissioned by The American Prospect shows that the tribes’ donations to Democrats fell by 9 percent after they hired Mr. Abramoff, while their contributions to Republicans more than doubled. So in any normal sense of the word “directed,” Mr. Abramoff directed funds away from Democrats, not toward them.
But that study doesn’t “show” that at all. An American Prospect article indeed claimed it — but the data from the study commissioned by the Prospect shows that this claim is based on the same fuzzy and self-serving arithmetic used in Krugman’s imagined salary negotiation.

The data show that contributions from Abramoff’s seven tribal clients to Democratic politicians totaled $868,890 before they retained Abramoff as a lobbyist. After Abramoff was retained, the total contributions fell to $794,483 — the drop of 9 percent that Krugman is talking about. But, what Krugman doesn’t say is that the average period before retaining Abramoff was 9.8 years, while the average period after retaining Abramoff was only 3.5 years. So, unless Abramoff had directed the tribes to almost triple their contributions over those 3.5 years, they could not have possibly even equaled the contributions racked up over the 9.8 years before Abramoff was retained.

If we look at contributions per year — which is the fair, apples-versus-apples way to look at this, just as it would be the fair way to look at Krugman’s salary — we see that the average contribution of Abramoff’s seven clients to Democrats rose from $11,908 per year to $25,691 per year — an increase of 115 percent.

To be fair, which is something Krugman never seems to be, the seven tribes’ contributions to Republicans rose even more when measured this way. But that’s okay, because conservatives have never told the lie that the Abramoff scandal doesn’t touch Republicans. It’s liberals who are telling the lie that the scandal doesn’t touch Democrats. But clearly it does — big time. Unless you try to hide it with a lame-brained math error like the one used by the Prospect’s reporter Greg Sargent.

Perhaps we can forgive a mere reporter like Sargent for confusing an increase of 115 percent with a drop of 9 percent. But we’d like to think that Krugman, an economics professor, would have checked the numbers before reproducing Sargent’s fallacious claim in the pages of America’s “newspaper of record.” But no. It took a blogger — Pat Curley, of Brainster’s Blog — to break this story. Krugman was too obsessed with proving, as he wrote in the same column, that “There’s nothing bipartisan about this tale, which is all about the use and abuse of Republican connections.”

And the same thing goes for all the other pundits on the Angry Left who have seized on the Prospect’s story as “proof” that the Abramoff scandal never touched any Democrats. As but one example, Brainster’s Blog’s Curley points out that another economist-pundit, Brad DeLong, wrote on his blog that “The American Prospect performs a public service — one that the Washington Post would have long ago performed, were it a real newspaper.”

By the way, does the pattern of this lie about Abramoff and the Democrats sound faintly familiar to long-time readers of the Krugman Truth Squad column? It should.

Remember back in 2003, when Krugman was pulling out all the stops to try to prevent President Bush’s tax cuts on dividends and capital gains from becoming law? He claimed in his April 22 Times column that the tax cuts would cost $726 billion and create 1.4 million jobs. That’s $500,000 per job, when the average salary in America is only $40,000. What it took this column to point out was that the $726 billion cost was spread out over ten years, and that the average salary is only for a single year. Couldn’t an economics professor divide by ten?

Krugman never officially corrected that gaffe, although our critique inspired no less than ten hapless responses on his personal website. But this time Krugman is going to have to publish a correction — just as this column forced the Times to correct Krugman’s lie that “Two different news media consortiums reviewed Florida’s ballots; both found that a full manual recount would have given the [2000 presidential] election to Mr. Gore.”

Now, as to that matter of Krugman’s salary. This week the faculty at Harvard proved what a liberal lynch mob can do when it forced president Lawrence Summers to resign. Maybe Ms. Tilghman ought to think carefully about that 80 percent cut in Krugman’s pay.

ADDENDUM
Since this column was published early Friday morning, I have spoken to Dwight Morris, president of Dwight L. Morris and Associates, the research firm that provided the analysis behind The American Prospect’s story. Concerning the amount of tribal contributions to Democrats once Abramoff was retained, Morris told me, “To say it dropped 9 percent is silly because you can’t compare those two timeframes. We did not prepare that number for them. In fact, it was not even in the reporter’s original draft.”

— Donald Luskin is chief investment officer of Trend Macrolytics LLC, an independent economics and investment-research firm. He welcomes your visit to his blog and your comments at don@trendmacro.com.