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To: American Spirit who wrote (60143)3/6/2006 2:08:46 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 361697
 
Heck of a job, Mr. President
____________________________________________________________

Editorial
The Seattle Times
Sunday, March 5, 2006

The Bush administration has a substantial credibility problem. Things it says turn out not to be true. Again and again.

Two troubling examples made the news last week, and they illustrate a serious problem rooted in a combination of political arrogance, incompetence and disdain for the audience. Often it seems the White House, or the president himself, offers the American public an incredulous shrug to punctuate the plea, "Who could have known?"

In Iraq, a virulent insurgency is killing civilians and American soldiers. Before the war, the Bush administration said the U.S. military would be greeted as liberators by a grateful public. Almost three years of mayhem and chaos later, the White House blames the insurgency on the residue of Saddam Hussein's supporters and foreign terrorists.

Who could have known?

In 2003, the White House was repeatedly warned the insurgency had deep local roots and could lead to civil war. Local conditions, not foreign terrorists, would fuel the flames. The information was prepared by a committee of senior intelligence analysts at the request of the U.S. military command.

As the insurgency gained strength, what did President George W. Bush have to say? "Bring 'em on."

A voice of the neoconservative political movement who fired the imaginations of so many Bush political disciples sees the roots of the administration's arrogance in the collapse of the Soviet Union and communist satellites. Writing in The New York Times Magazine, Francis Fukuyama observed:

"The over-optimism about postwar transitions to democracy helps explain the Bush administration's incomprehensible failure to plan adequately for the insurgency that emerged in Iraq." He said although they claim they knew all along that Iraq's transition would be long and hard, "they were clearly taken by surprise."

Not for a lack of good, available information and adequate warning.

This past week, as New Orleans celebrated a ragged but determined Mardi Gras, the same scenario of information and denial was exposed.

Transcripts and a government video revealed the administration and the president were warned in advance about the perils of Hurricane Katrina, the vulnerability of levees and the potential for catastrophe.

The president is not directly responsible for making sure ice and cots are available, but he is accountable for the urgency of the response by his team.

Before the storm hit, he was told firsthand about the dangers. So, it is mystifying how he could stand before the American public four days later and declare no one could have anticipated the levees being breached.

Earlier, a room full of people he presumably leads told him exactly that.

President Bush is great at sales, but he cannot deliver a product — time after time.

Copyright © 2006 The Seattle Times Company

seattletimes.nwsource.com



To: American Spirit who wrote (60143)3/6/2006 5:03:36 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 361697
 
What Would Reagan Do?

richardreeves.com

By Richard Reeves

MARCH 3, 2006

LOS ANGELES — "Don't you think that the criticism President Bush is receiving over Iraq is the same as what they were saying about Ronald Reagan and the Soviet Union? Everyone was saying Reagan couldn't pull it off, but he did."

That question, almost word for word, has ended almost all of the conversations I have had with conservative talk show hosts as I criss-crossed the country these past weeks promoting (or defending) my book, "President Reagan: The Triumph of Imagination." It was the last question from Sean Hannity of Fox News' "Hannity and Colmes" on my first day in New York, and it was the last or next-to-last one from Matt Gerson of "Person to Person" last Monday in Phoenix.

My answer was always, "No." If I was feeling good, I'd say that I had not noticed a Mikhail Gorbachev of the Mideast. If I was tired, I'd say Reagan never invaded and occupied Russia or any part of the Soviet Union. If I was pushed, I'd say that Reagan was a remarkably cautious man when it came to using military force. He greatly preferred talking tough to get his way, without a shot being fired.

"Reagan," the name, the icon, the nucleus of modern conservatism, has become the last line of defense for those who still think Iraq is going well. He is for many Americans — though George W. Bush is not one of them — still the president, as Franklin D. Roosevelt was president for many liberals for decades after his death.

That Reagan, the one still running the country, is a myth, of course. As was FDR. In life, President Reagan was a man who understood that words are often more effective than deeds, a man who knew when and how to compromise, a man who knew how to ignore provocation, a man who knew how to declare victory. He built up the military, doubled the Pentagon budget and lost fewer than one thousand American fighting men and women in eight years — the majority of them in accidents — years in which the United States emerged as the single military, economic and moral superpower in the world.

He made horrendous mistakes in military-political situations, particularly in Lebanon, Iran and Central America, but looking back, he went a long way toward winning the big one, the Cold War, without the use of troops.

Would Reagan go into Iraq expecting to win on the cheap as American soldiers were pelted with flowers and candy? I don't think so. He was a quick-strike guy: fly planes across the world to scare the hell out of Col. Gadhafi in Libya, knock out some Iranian oil platforms, take Grenada (with 19 American deaths) and then get out of there.

The Grenada exercise in 1983 was a Reagan classic. Low military risk, high political gain to remove an annoying little Marxist government. Even then, he wanted to take no chances. When the Joint Chiefs of Staff briefed him on the exercise, he seemed to be listening until at the end of the meeting, he told them to double the number of troops they had planned to use. "Why?" asked the chairman of the chiefs.

"Because if Jimmy Carter had 18 helicopters instead of nine in Desert One" — the mission to free American hostages in Iran — "you'd be briefing him now instead of me."

Reagan made mistakes, plenty of them. But he learned from them. His worst foreign policy blunder may have been a reckless aside in a 1983 press conference saying the mission of U.S. Marines in Lebanon, part of a multinational peacekeeping force, was to train the official Lebanese army. Actually, they were there, stationed at the Beirut airport, to keep Muslims and Israelis apart.

The Lebanese army was essentially Christian, enemies of the Shiite Muslims living in the slums around the airport. "America is the enemy" began to blare from the mosques. On the night of Oct. 23, 1983, a suicide bomber drove a truck into the lobby of the Marine barracks, set off a huge explosion and killed 241 Marines.

Reagan's response was to talk tough about staying the course, then "redeploy" the Marines — safely onto American ships in the Mediterranean. Cut and run.

"What would Reagan have done after 9/11?" That was another regular question. My answer was that he would have focused American resources, not foreign irregulars, to track down Osama bin Laden, as he tracked Gadhafi. Then he would declare victory and get on with life.

Go into Iraq? With half the troops needed? With a shifting, contradictory mission? Maybe. But I doubt it. What was the point? What is the point now? Do what Reagan would have done if he were foolish enough to go in in the first place: Redeploy the troops, cut and run.



To: American Spirit who wrote (60143)3/7/2006 3:53:07 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 361697
 
Bush Perceived Blunders on Iraq, Katrina Buoy Democrats in 2006

March 7 (Bloomberg) -- After years of disunity, disorder and disappointment, Democrats finally have something going for them: Republicans.

The Democrats, who languished in public-opinion polls even as President George W. Bush's approval ratings plunged, now say their prospects are on the rise: In the most recent Bloomberg/Los Angeles Times poll, Americans by a margin of 46 percent to 37 percent said they plan to vote Democratic for Congress this year.

That has led to a growing belief among party leaders that they may take back control of the House of Representatives and gain seats in the Senate. ``We are going to do well if for no other reason than we are not them,'' Senator Evan Bayh of Indiana said. ``A majority of Americans are clearly not happy with the direction of the country, and they want change.''

Vin Weber, a former Republican representative from Minnesota who retains close ties to the White House, said that ``Democrats are in a great position going into an off-year election. They are not a coherent political party and they don't have anything to say, but they might win.''

Bush's approval ratings have plunged to 38 percent in the latest Bloomberg/Los Angeles Times poll, while almost two-thirds of Americans are convinced the country is on the wrong track, amid dissatisfaction over the war in Iraq, the federal response to Hurricane Katrina, large deficits and proposed foreign management of U.S. ports.

``A lot of people were standing with the Republicans because they had one issue that blocked out the sun: security, safety, `they can protect us better,''' said Bill Daley, who was Vice President Al Gore's 2000 presidential campaign chairman and President Bill Clinton's commerce secretary. ``But two things blew a hole in that: Katrina and Iraq.''

`Almost Can't Lose'

As a result, ``no matter what the Democrats look like, they will be the beneficiaries,'' Daley said. ``Short of something happening between now and November that the Democrats have nothing to do with, they almost can't lose this.''

Democrats have blown opportunities before. In 2004, they thought they could take advantage of Republican missteps such as a flu-vaccine shortage and failure to secure weapons and explosives depots in Iraq. In the end, they fell short in both the presidential and congressional elections.

Republicans currently hold 231 seats in the House of Representatives to the Democrats' 201, and 55 seats in the Senate to the Democrats' 45.

Democrats are trying to guard against overconfidence and are working so hard in some areas that Republicans say they are jealous. ``The Democrats have been better organized and on- message than Republicans have been,'' said Republican Senator John Cornyn of Texas. ``The first rule of politics is, `Don't let your opponents characterize you.' We've let that happen.''

Reversal of Fortune

This represents a reversal of fortune for Democrats, who in past elections have felt Republicans successfully characterized them as the ``Mommy Party,'' one that is strong on social issues but not on national defense like the Republican ``Daddy Party.''

Democrats say they have to address the issue of national defense directly, especially with women. ``The Republicans succeeded in playing the terrorism card last time,'' said Ellen Malcolm, president of Emily's List, a group that raises money for and trains Democratic women candidates. ``We have to convince women that we Democrats are tough on terrorism.''

Democratic Party Chairman Howard Dean said the key to victory in November will be to ``nationalize'' the election. Instead of each candidate running on local issues within his or her district, Dean said, all Democrats should stress such issues as ``honesty and openness in government'' and ``a strong national defense that depends on truth and adequately equipping our soldiers.''

Taking Back the House

``I am not ready to say we will take back the House and Senate,'' Dean said in an interview. ``But we will take back the House and probably the Senate if we run a national campaign.'' If Democrats do gain control, he said, Republicans should expect to be investigated: ``If we get subpoena power'' in congressional committees, ``the corruption will come out on America's TV screens, and that scares the daylights out of the Republicans.'' he said.

At the moment, Democrats aren't even united over how united they should be. Bayh says unity is overrated, especially in a Congress, where there are competing Democratic factions.

``Instead of taking a strong, compelling position, it gets watered-down and mushy because you are seeking consensus,'' Bayh said in an interview. ``Before the last midterm elections, I was in a meeting of the Democratic caucus in January or February.

``Three thousand Americans had just been killed in a terrorist strike, and our folks said Medicare and Social Security were the issues to run on,'' Bayh said. ``Why? It was the only thing they could all agree on! Clearly, national security was going to determine the election, but it got dropped from the list.''

Divided on Iraq

While the Democrats are united in a desire for a strong message on national security, they are divided over what to do about American military involvement in Iraq -- and whether the issue should even be talked about

Terry McAuliffe, chairman of the Democratic National Committee under Bill Clinton and a confidant of New York Senator Hillary Clinton, believes the subject of troop withdrawal should be avoided. ``The second we get in a debate about do we stay or do we go from Iraq, we lose,'' McAuliffe said. ``This election cannot be a debate on when the troops are coming home. This party will lose on that. It has to be about how George Bush has made us less safe.''

``We are not unified on Iraq, but we are unified on a fairly serious critique of what Bush has done wrong there,'' said Steve Elmendorf, who was chief of staff to former Representative Dick Gephardt of Missouri and worked in Massachusetts Senator John Kerry's 2004 presidential campaign.

The Uniter

The biggest motivator for rank-and-file Democrats is Bush himself, Elmendorf said. ``It is unbelievable, the level of dislike for Bush,'' he said. ``The intensity is unlike anything I have ever seen.''

Democrats are encouraged by polls showing the public turning against Bush on the Iraq war and his handling of terrorism. The Bloomberg/Los Angeles Times poll found that for the first time, a majority of Americans, 54 percent, disapprove of how Bush has dealt with terrorism. The poll, conducted from Feb. 25 to March 1, found that almost two-thirds of Americans disapprove of Bush's handling of Iraq.

Democrats also showed uncharacteristic unity in quickly opposing an administration plan to let a Dubai state-owned company operate facilities at six U.S. ports, gaining a rare upper hand on Bush on the national-security issue. The Bloomberg/Los Angeles Times poll found that 58 percent of Americans oppose the ports plan.

Rove and Shrum

While Karl Rove, President Bush's chief political adviser, has signaled that security will still be a major campaign issue for Republicans this year, Bob Shrum, Kerry's senior political adviser in 2004, says such a message won't work this time.

``September 11, what else do they have?'' he said. ``But it won't be enough. True, we don't have a clear message on the war. We have differences internally. It won't matter. This election will be a referendum on Bush, not what the Democrats will do.''

Howard Wolfson, a spokesman for Senator Clinton, said ``the American people know there is one party in control of Washington, they know that party is not doing their business, and an argument based on balance and oversight will resonate, and resonate strongly.''

That argument has one big downside for Democrats: If they do regain control of Congress this year, they would have to argue against ``balance'' when they ask voters to re-elect a Democratic Congress and elect a Democratic president in 2008.

``You know, that's the kind of problem that I can live with,'' Wolfson said.