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Politics : American Presidential Politics and foreign affairs -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Peter Dierks who wrote (5870)3/15/2006 9:56:03 AM
From: paret  Respond to of 71588
 
Feingold’s Gift to the GOP
National Review Online ^ | March 15, 2006

If it could be arranged, surely Republican National Committee chairman Ken Mehlman would hug Wisconsin Democrat Sen. Russ Feingold right now. As the White House struggles to find its political footing, Sen. Feingold has offered it a handy crutch with his proposal to censure President Bush for the National Security Agency surveillance program. The Democrats had just concluded a successful two-week bout of eroding the president's national-security credentials with baseless attacks on the Dubai ports deal. Now, the party's Left apparently believes it's time to switch back to type and bolster Bush's national-security credentials by demonstrating the Democrats' own lack of seriousness in the War on Terror.

The Feingold proposal is a disaster on all levels for the Democrats, but it is a boon to the Wisconsin senator, thus capturing the current Democratic political dilemma in microcosm. The left-wing netroots are rallying to Feingold's proposal, and posting the phone numbers of Democratic senators, so Bush haters everywhere can call to urge them to vote for the Feingold's censure resolution. These bloggers and their readers are a key part of Feingold's constituency for a run for the 2008 presidential nomination from the left. Anything Feingold does to please them helps himself, even if it is irrational and harmful to his party's interests. It often will be, since the netroots can't distinguish between political strategy and pointless, self-gratifying stunts. This is why they pushed Democrats to compound the disaster of the Alito hearings with a doomed filibuster of the nomination, championed — not coincidentally — by another '08 hopeful, John Kerry.

The censure resolution is so obviously overreaching that other Senate Democrats are keeping their distance, although Sen. Barbara Boxer says she could vote for it and Minority Leader Harry Reid thinks it is worthy of serious debate. The resolution will surely strike most Americans as mindless partisanship. It also shifts the political debate back to ground favorable to the White House. The NSA program is relatively popular, indeed is one of the administration's most popular initiatives at the moment. The White House has a good case to make on its legality, and Democrats on the Senate Intelligence Committee last week seemed to signal their willingness to acquiesce to a deal giving congressional blessing to the program in exchange for enhanced oversight.

Feingold hopes to blow this all up. Republicans should gladly rise to his challenge. Increasing Feingold's prominence as a spokesman for the Democrats on the War on Terror only benefits the GOP. He epitomizes the Left's do-nothing, or at least do-the-absolute-minimum, approach to the war. He voted against the Patriot Act, and its reauthorization. He opposes the NSA program. He was against the Iraq war, and opposes using coercive interrogation against terrorists abroad. He is against almost any measure in the War on Terror that doesn't fit neatly within the confines of the American law-enforcement system (and against even ones that do — the Patriot Act). It was telling that on the Senate floor Feingold highlighted past statements by President Bush saying that law enforcement needs a court order to get a wiretap, by way of supposedly proving the president's deceit. But the NSA surveillance is not a law-enforcement program; it is not being used to produce evidence of crimes, but to tip off American intelligence about potential plots and the whereabouts of terrorist agents.

Feingold has done himself a favor, but not his party. Where does Mehlman go for his hug?



To: Peter Dierks who wrote (5870)3/15/2006 10:02:41 AM
From: paret  Respond to of 71588
 
College paper's editor fired over Mohammed cartoons

cnn ^ | 1-15-06

CHAMPAIGN, Illinois (AP) -- An editor who chose to publish caricatures of Prophet Mohammed in the University of Illinois' student-run newspaper last month has been fired, the paper's publisher announced Tuesday.
Acton H. Gorton was suspended, with pay, from The Daily Illini days after the Feb. 9 publication of the cartoons, which sparked Muslim protests around the world after they first appeared in a Danish newspaper.
At the time, Daily Illini publishers said the action was taken against Gorton not for publishing the cartoons, but for failing to discuss it with others in the newsroom first.
The Illini Media Co. board of directors, which comprises students and faculty, voted unanimously to fire the editor after a review "found that Gorton violated Daily Illini policies about thoughtful discussion of and preparation for the publication of inflammatory material," according to a statement.
Gorton has said he sought out advice from The Daily Illini's former editor-in-chief and others before deciding to run the cartoons. He has said that accusations he tried to hide his decision were wrong.
On Tuesday, he called his firing a blow against free speech on college campuses.
"If I can be fired, what will other students think who maybe want to challenge the status quo?" said Gorton, who had briefly addressed a board meeting the previous night. "This is a bad precedent."
Gorton said he intends to sue the publishers of The Daily Illini, citing, among other complaints, unlawful dismissal.

(Excerpt) Read more at cnn.com ...



To: Peter Dierks who wrote (5870)3/15/2006 3:37:54 PM
From: Peter Dierks  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 71588
 
Smoot-Hawley's ghost lives

By Mark Hulbert, MarketWatch
Last Update: 12:01 AM ET Mar 13, 2006

ANNANDALE, Va. (MarketWatch) -- When I started monitoring the investment newsletter industry in the late 1970s, political commentary was inextricably intertwined with the letter editors' investment advice.

This partly was a function of the pro-gold orientation of most of that decade's newsletter editors, and the anti-gold stance of the U.S. government. It wasn't until well into that decade that U.S. citizens were allowed even to invest in gold, for example.

But newsletter editors' political stance traced to more than their love of gold. It also derived from a general recognition that what politicians do profoundly affects the markets.
Consistent with their free-market orientation, most of the editors espoused a Libertarian philosophy, harboring a deep distrust of both political parties.

Today, in contrast, it is the rare newsletter editor who pays more than passing attention to what the government is doing, except for the Federal Reserve's interest rate policies.
The untimely passing early this month of Harry Browne, a newsletter editor who several times was the Libertarian Party's candidate for President, symbolizes the difference between the average newsletter editor today and from three decades ago. ( Read Peter Brimelow's tribute to Browne.)
A notable exception to this trend is John Mauldin, a money manager, author of several investment books and editor of an e-newsletter called Thoughts From the Frontline that reportedly is sent to a million readers each week.

Mauldin devoted much of his letter Friday night to the economic and investment implications of Congress' refusal to allow a company from the United Arab Emirates to purchase a U.K.-based port management firm that runs six ports in the U.S.

Mauldin concedes up front that in focusing on this issue he will "upset about 90%" of his readers. But he plows ahead nonetheless. Mauldin's worry is that this "port debacle" is more than just a "one-off thing," and instead represents a "rise in protectionism." If so, then the odds grow of a worldwide economic depression on the order of that which occurred in the 1930s.
Mauldin differentiates between a recession on the one hand and a depression on the other. The former is an inevitable part of the economic cycle, and though not comfortable by any means, is something through which we can muddle. But what could transform a run-of-the-mill recession into a full-scale Depression would be "a new wave of protectionism."

That, Mauldin reminds us, is what happened in the 1930s: "Senator Smoot and Representative Hawley infamously sponsored a bill in 1930 that raised tariffs on a variety of products in order to 'protect' American jobs. Of course, the rest of the world retaliated and soon we went from a recession into a global depression. Unemployment soared and all those jobs we 'saved' went away."

Mauldin sees many disturbing parallels between the Smoot-Hawley legislation and Congress' action last week to block the port deal. Mauldin dismisses the national security rationale with which the members of Congress blocking the deal defended their actions. "Anyone who did their homework knows that national security on any level was never at risk."

Instead, in Mauldin's opinion, the Congressional action boils down to either political posturing by both Republicans and Democrats or economic ignorance, or both.

Either way, though, Mauldin believes the economic consequences of a rise in protectionism will be the same: A worldwide reduction in trade and cross-country investment, leading to major contractions in economic growth and significant increases in unemployment.

"We have spent decades persuading nations around the world to open up their countries to investment," Mauldin writes. "And they have. We have over $10 trillion invested outside of the US, which made American firms $500 billion last year, a little under 5% of our GDP! That is about $1,600 for every man, woman and child in the US. That money gets paid out as dividends, gets invested in our economy and goes to pay our workers.
"Last year, foreigners increased their investments in the US by $1.4 trillion, in a wide variety of investments. Without those dollars, the US dollar would have collapsed, interest rates would be through the roof and we would be facing (or in!) a REAL recession, not the garden variety ones we have had since 1990."

Is Mauldin exaggerating the probabilities of a depression? As you ponder that question, consider that, according to Mauldin, some members of Congress have urged that a foreign ownership ban extend beyond just the running of U.S. ports to "roads, telecommunications, airlines, broadcasting, shipping, technology firms, water facilities, buildings, real estate and even US Treasury securities."

And place yourself in the shoes of foreign politicians, who must pander to their constituencies just as U.S. politicians do. How likely is that they will respond favorably to U.S. calls to keep their markets open to U.S. investors?

For the record, Mauldin himself believes "that this will simmer down... But if things keep going on this trend, we will look back from the dark times and point to this deal and realize this is where the lights started to go out."

tm.wc.ask.com