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Politics : Formerly About Advanced Micro Devices -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Amy J who wrote (280593)3/17/2006 6:12:01 AM
From: GUSTAVE JAEGER  Respond to of 1572637
 
The Faustian(*) fate of Tony Blair:

The delicate world of money, power and the social cachet attached to a peerage

Lord Levy: a man with a talent for squeezing cheques out of wallets

Michael White
Friday March 17, 2006
The Guardian


Like Jane Austen's single man in want of a wife, it is a political truth rarely acknowledged in public that British prime ministers usually find themselves in want of a Lord Levy to raise some cash. It is often done most painlessly by those in want of a peerage.

Jane Austen would get the point. As a sharp social observer she would also enjoy Lord Levy's weekend dinner parties at his north London home in Totteridge. Friday nights are informal suppers in the kitchen, on Saturdays VIPs are served around a giant glass-topped table on marble legs.

Business people, slightly bewildered cabinet ministers, diplomats from the Middle East (Lord Levy is Tony Blair's special envoy to the region where he has serious access to both sides), showbiz and media types. There is also a lot of wall-to-wall white carpet, though not on the swimming pools or the tennis court. But the formula works.

In the last era of patrician Tory government, in the 1950s, a smoothie called Oliver Poole, later Lord Poole, dined would-be supporters in Buck's Club, probably in the country too. In the Thatcher era, another party treasurer, Alistair McAlpine, roly-poly scion of the construction dynasty, displayed a genius for the ritual of the cheque book after a jolly lunch.

In the more democratic Major era the man credited with the talent to shake down wealthy supporters was Phil Harris, the carpet tycoon turned party treasurer. Lord McAlpine of West Green and Lord Harris of Peckham were succeeded by Lord Ashcroft of Chichester, who was so rich he wrote the biggest cheques himself. Charles Kennedy's Lib Dem fundraiser was Tim (now Lord) Razzall, who also fell out with his party treasurer. All parties need cash.

Schmoozer's talent

Enter stage centre-left Tony Blair's moneyman, then plain Michael Levy, an entrepreneur in the music business, famous for making a pile managing - among others - Alvin Stardust. Some Labour MPs have not forgiven him for Alvin or what one calls "the bouffant hair and high heel shoes". But in the next breath they acknowledge his schmoozer's talent and his necessity.

Levy met the prime minister at an Israeli diplomatic dinner in 1994 - the year Blair became Labour leader - and was soon his tennis partner. In the crucial opposition years before 1997 - the year of his peerage - it was Levy's job to find the "high value" supporters who would finance the private trust which paid for Blair's private office staff.

Labour MPs loathe this kind of activity. So do Tories and Lib Dems. "No one wants to do it, but there's a political necessity to do it. I'm not saying it's good, but it's what happens," says one Blairite apparatchik. But the fundraisers say they hate political fundraising too. It is just that they are blessed - and cursed - with an ability to make a guest contribute to a good cause - usually non-political - which they usually spurn.

"How I ended up writing a cheque I still don't know," says a wealthy man who stumped up after one Totteridge dinner. It might be £30,000. If the generous guest is Lord Sainsbury, the high-minded supermarket peer, it might be £1m, the kind of money he makes in a month's bank interest.

Delicate

Levy, now 61, cut his teeth on Jewish charities in his 20s and moved up the tree to the point where he consolidated several into Jewish Care. His affable wife, Gilda, is quite leftwing on the Palestine/ Israel question. Son Daniel used to work for Yossi Beilin - the former Israeli justice minister. Levy himself gets frustrated with Tel Aviv's conduct too - but usually in private. "I bloody told Tony," he has been heard to say.

Like all such operators in the delicate world of money, power and the social cachet which still attaches to a shop-soiled British peerage - a title, not political influence or a vote in parliament is what most aspirants want - Lord Levy would passionately deny any connection between donations and a peerage which is not in his gift. So anecdotes that X said "Is that enough" and was told "You must be joking" by fundraiser Y are met with frosty denials all round.

"If you give to the party it won't be to your advantage, but it won't be to your detriment either," is about as much as they will say. Lord Levy is adamant that he sticks scrupulously to the rules. The trouble is: voters don't believe it.

Head boy to peer

· The son of poor immigrant parents, Michael Abraham Levy was born on July 11 1944.

· Educated at Fleetwood primary school, where he was head boy, and Hackney Downs grammar school.

· Became an accountant but in 1973 set up Magnet Records. Successful acts included Bad Manners, Chris Rea and Alvin Stardust. Sold to Warner Bros in 1988 for £10m.

· Made a life peer - Baron Levy of Mill Hill - after Labour's landslide election victory in 1997. Appointed prime minister's personal envoy to the Middle East in 2000.

· One of Tony Blair's tennis partners, he is married to Gilda; they have one son and one daughter.

politics.guardian.co.uk

(*) csuchico.edu



To: Amy J who wrote (280593)3/18/2006 1:18:51 PM
From: Road Walker  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 1572637
 
I was reading an article about this in the New Yorker, and since it's not available on line found a similiar (albeit older) one... thought you might be interested.

Debate rages on use of cervical cancer vaccine
While almost 100% effective, some contend use condones teen sex
- Rob Stein, Washington Post
Monday, October 31, 2005

Washington -- A new vaccine that protects against cervical cancer has set up a clash between health advocates who want to use the shots aggressively to prevent thousands of malignancies and social conservatives who say immunizing teen-agers could encourage sexual activity.

Although the vaccine will not become available until next year at the earliest, activists on both sides have begun maneuvering to influence how widely the immunizations will be employed.

Groups working to reduce the toll of the cancer are eagerly awaiting the vaccine and want it to become part of the standard roster of shots that children, especially girls, receive just before puberty.

Because the vaccine protects against a sexually transmitted virus, many conservatives oppose making it mandatory, citing fears that it could send a subtle message condoning sexual activity before marriage. Several leading groups that promote abstinence are meeting this week to formulate official policies on the vaccine.

Officials from the companies developing the shots -- Merck & Co. and GlaxoSmithKline -- have been meeting with advocacy groups to try to assuage their concerns.

The jockeying reflects the growing influence social conservatives, who had long felt overlooked by Washington, have gained on a broad spectrum of policy issues under the Bush administration. In this case, a former member of the conservative group Focus on the Family serves on the federal panel that is playing a pivotal role in deciding how the vaccine is used.

"What the Bush administration has done has taken this coterie of people and put them into very influential positions in Washington," said James Morone Jr., a professor of political science at Brown University. "And it's having an effect in debates like this."

The vaccine protects women against strains of a ubiquitous germ called the human papilloma virus. Although many strains of the virus are innocuous, some can cause cancerous lesions on the cervix (the outer end of the uterus), making them the primary cause of this cancer in the United States. Cervical cancer strikes more than 10,000 U.S. women each year, killing more than 3,700.

The vaccine appears to be virtually 100 percent effective against two of the most common cancer-causing HPV strains. Merck, whose vaccine is further along, plans to ask the Food and Drug Administration by the end of the year for approval to sell the shots.

Exactly how the vaccine is used will be largely determined by the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP), a panel of experts assembled by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta. The panel issues widely followed guidelines, including recommendations for childhood vaccines that become the basis for vaccination requirements set by public schools.

Officials of both companies noted that research indicates the best age to vaccinate would be just before puberty to make sure children are protected before they become sexually active. The vaccine would probably be targeted primarily at girls but could also be used on boys to limit the spread of the virus.

"I would like to see it that if you don't have your HPV vaccine, you can't start high school," said Juan Carlos Felix of the University of Southern California, who leads the National Cervical Cancer Coalition's medical advisory panel.

At the ACIP meeting last week, panel members heard presentations about the pros and cons of vaccinating girls at various ages. A survey of 294 pediatricians presented at the meeting found that more than half were worried that parents of female patients might refuse the vaccine, and 11 percent of the doctors said they thought vaccinating against a sexually transmitted disease "may encourage risky sexual behavior in my adolescent patients."

Conservative groups say they welcome the vaccine as an important public health tool but oppose making it mandatory.

"Some people have raised the issue of whether this vaccine may be sending an overall message to teen-agers that, 'We expect you to be sexually active,' " said Reginald Finger, a doctor trained in public health who served as a medical analyst for Focus on the Family before being appointed to the ACIP in 2003.

"There are people who sense that it could cause people to feel like sexual behaviors are safer if they are vaccinated and may lead to more sexual behavior because they feel safe," said Finger, emphasizing he does not endorse that position and is withholding judgment until the issue comes before the vaccine policy panel for a formal recommendation.

Conservative medical groups have been fielding calls from concerned parents and organizations, officials said.

"I've talked to some who have said, 'This is going to sabotage our abstinence message,' " said Gene Rudd, associate executive director of the Christian Medical and Dental Associations. But Rudd said most people change their minds once they learn more, adding he would probably want his children immunized. Rudd, however, draws the line at making the vaccine mandatory.

"Parents should have the choice. There are those who would say, 'We can provide a better, healthier alternative than the vaccine, and that is to teach abstinence,' " Rudd said.

The council plans to meet Wednesday to discuss the issue. On the same day, the Medical Institute for Sexual Health in Austin, Texas, which advises conservative groups on sexuality and health issues, is convening a one-day meeting to develop a position statement.

Alan Kaye, executive director of the National Cervical Cancer Coalition, likened the vaccine to wearing a seat belt.

"Just because you wear a seat belt doesn't mean you're seeking out an accident," Kaye said.

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URL: sfgate.com