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To: Road Walker who wrote (283530)4/8/2006 4:14:20 PM
From: longnshort  Respond to of 1574071
 
The nine lives of Joe Wilson's reputation
Weekly Standard, The, July 25, 2005
new

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That sound you hear is THE SCRAPBOOK gagging at the images we saw on television last week. We're speaking, of course, about the spectacle of leading Democrats and sympathetic media types performing mouth-to-mouth resuscitation on former ambassador Joseph C. Wilson IV's moribund reputation.

Sad but true, Wilson has seen yet another spike in what he once dubbed his "Notoriety Quotient." This, thanks to new developments in the ongoing investigation into who in the Bush administration, in the aftermath of an op-ed by Wilson attacking the honesty of the White House, told reporters in July 2003 that Mrs. Ambassador Joseph C. Wilson IV, one Valerie Plame, was a CIA agent.

When Newsweek discovered emails suggesting senior Bush adviser Karl Rove had discussed Plame with Time magazine reporter Matt Cooper, for example, Wilson hustled to the nearest available television camera--in this case one from NBC News--to say that, while he'd "never spoken to Karl Rove," the man was nonetheless guilty of a flagrant "abuse of power." What the "abuse of power" may be, Wilson didn't say, perhaps overwhelmed with emotion: "I'm really very saddened by all this."

So are we. We're saddened--though not really surprised--by the amazing ability of Democrats to forget that last summer the bipartisan Senate Select Committee on Intelligence thoroughly shredded Wilson's credibility.

Take New York senator Charles Schumer, for instance, who held a joint press conference with Wilson in the Capitol last Thursday. "This man has served his country," Schumer said. What's happened to him since, said Schumer, groping for a novel literary allusion, is downright "Kafkaesque." Whereupon a reporter pointed out that Wilson's credibility is seriously in doubt.

"I would urge you to go back and read the record," Wilson said.

A capital idea! What the record shows is that almost every public pronouncement of Joe Wilson's from the spring of 2003 forward is either an exaggeration or a falsehood or both. The essence of his tale was that he had selflessly gone to Niger and personally debunked reports that Iraq was trying to acquire uranium there to reconstitute its nuclear program. But his account didn't bear up under close scrutiny.

I. Wilson denied that his Feb. 2002 mission to Niger to investigate reports of an Iraqi uranium deal was suggested by his wife, who worked in the CIA's counterproliferation division. In fact, according to the bipartisan findings of the Senate Intelligence Committee, Wilson's wife "offered up his name" at a staff meeting, then wrote a memo to her division's deputy chief saying her husband was the best man for the job.

II. Wilson insisted both that he had debunked reports of Iraqi interest in Niger's uranium and that Vice President Cheney, whose interest in the subject reputedly prompted Wilson's trip, had to have been informed of this. The Intelligence Committee found otherwise when it questioned Wilson under oath:

On at least two occasions [Wilson] admitted that he had no direct
knowledge to support some of his claims.... For example, when asked
how he "knew" that the Intelligence Community had rejected the
possibility of a Niger-Iraq uranium deal, as he wrote in his book,
[Wilson] told Committee staff that his assertion may have involved "a
little literary flair."

III. In the spring of 2003, after a purported "memorandum of agreement" between Iraq and Niger was shown to be a forgery, Wilson began to tell reporters, on background, that he'd known the documents were forgeries all along. But the Senate Intelligence Committee found that the CIA (and Wilson) had been unaware of the documents until eight months after his trip. Moreover, it found that "no one believed" Wilson's trip "added a great deal of new information to the Iraq-Niger uranium story." It found that "for most analysts, the former ambassador's report lent more credibility, not less, to the reported Niger-Iraq uranium deal."

IV. Wilson's confidence that Cheney knew about his trip served as the basis for his accusation, passed along uncritically by the New Republic, that it "was a flat-out lie" for President Bush to have accused Saddam Hussein of trying to obtain uranium in Niger. He told Meet the Press interviewer Andrea Mitchell, "The office of the vice president, I am absolutely convinced, received a very specific response to the question it asked and that response was based upon my trip out there."

The Intel Committee's findings: "Because CIA analysts did not believe that [Wilson's] report added any new information to clarify the issue ... CIA's briefer did not brief the Vice President on the report, despite the Vice President's previous questions about the issue."

As Senate Intelligence Committee chairman Sen. Pat Roberts concluded in the "Additional Views" section of his report: "The former ambassador, either by design or through ignorance, gave the American people and, for that matter, the world a version of events that was inaccurate, unsubstantiated, and misleading."

Meanwhile, a grand jury still sits in the inquiry into whether someone in the administration broke the law by leaking Plame's name. We hope the outcome doesn't hinge on the reliability of testimony from her husband.

COPYRIGHT 2005 News America Incorporated
COPYRIGHT 2005 Gale Group



To: Road Walker who wrote (283530)4/8/2006 4:16:39 PM
From: Jim McMannis  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1574071
 
Time Running Out for Rebuilding of Iraq By CHARLES J. HANLEY, AP Special Correspondent
42 minutes ago

BAGHDAD, Iraq - In their makeshift offices in a former Baghdad palace, a small army of American builders and engineers, oilmen and budgeteers is working overtime on last-minute projects to help reconstruct Iraq.

Their time is running short, their money running out.

After three years in which the U.S. government allocated more than $20 billion for Iraq reconstruction, a bill now making its way through Congress adds only $1.6 billion this year, just $100 million of it for construction — not for building schools or power stations, but for prisons.

Does the sharp cut in aid surprise and disappoint the planners here? "Probably both," said Michael P. Fallon, U.S. reconstruction program chief.

But "the program in general has been very successful," he said in an interview — "with the caveat that it hasn't gone as far as we thought we'd be able to go."

The ambitions of 2003, when President Bush spoke of making Iraq's infrastructure "the best in the region," have given way to the shortfalls of 2006, in electricity and water supply, sanitation, health facilities and oil production. A University of Maryland poll in January found strong majorities of Iraqis hopeful about their country's future in general, but only one in five thought the Americans had done a good job on reconstruction.

Even after billions were spent on power plants and substations, electricity generation still hasn't regained the level it had before the U.S. invasion of 2003. When Fallon's experts keep the lights burning late, they're relying on emergency U.S. generators in their "Green Zone" enclave, since the rest of Baghdad gets power only a few hours a day.

Barely one-third of the water-treatment projects the Americans planned will be completed. Only 32 percent of the Iraqi population has access to clean drinking water now, compared with 50 percent before the war, according to the U.S. special inspector-general for Iraq reconstruction.

About 19 percent of Iraqis today have working sewer connections, compared with 24 percent before 2003.

Of more than 150 planned health clinics, only 15 have been completed, under a contract ending this month.

Oil production, meanwhile, has stagnated, averaging 2.05 million barrels a day in mid-March, short of the 2.5 million-a-day U.S. goal, and far short of Iraq's production peak of 3.7 million in the 1970s. Fewer than one-quarter of the rehabilitation projects for the oil industry have been completed.

Iraq's insurgency dealt a major blow to the rebuilding efforts, leading U.S. officials in 2004 to begin siphoning off reconstruction money to help train Iraqi police and military forces, build prisons and pay for private security for projects already under way.

Washington from the beginning also underestimated Iraq's needs, how badly its infrastructure had suffered from wars, the devastating looting of 2003, and neglect through years of U.N. economic sanctions and Saddam Hussein's rule. Now, says the special inspector-general, Stuart Bowen, the need for more aid "has reached a critical point."

But rather than sending more rebuilding money, the U.S. effort this year will shift toward "sustainability" — to an oversight role, to training Iraqis to maintain what has been built, and to urging others to fill the aid gap.

"I think we've been pretty clear that we never intended to fix the entire infrastructure," said Kathye Johnson, Fallon's boss as reconstruction director for the U.S. projects agency in Iraq, the Gulf Region Division-Projects and Contracting Office.

"Fixing" Iraq's infrastructure would probably cost at least $70 billion, experts estimate. Johnson and other U.S. officials say that money should begin to come from other foreign donors and the Iraqi government itself.

But prospects for that are uncertain.

More than two years ago, other foreign governments and international institutions pledged more than $13.5 billion in Iraq aid, but thus far barely $3.2 billion has been spent.

Donors continue to shun this dangerous country; the World Bank, front-line lender elsewhere, hasn't even opened an office in Baghdad. The Bush administration is pressing Persian Gulf states, in particular, to help their fellow Arabs in Iraq.

As for Iraq's own money, lagging oil exports leave it with nothing to spare.

The U.S. Embassy estimates Iraq must export 1.65 million barrels a day just to begin accumulating funds for repairing more roads and leaking water pipes, laying sewer lines, rebuilding hospitals and making other capital improvements. But in early March its foreign sales averaged only 1.38 million barrels.

"It is unclear how Iraq will finance these additional requirements," U.S. congressional auditors said in a recent study.

That budget gap will cripple the Iraqis as they try to pick up where the U.S. government leaves off. They estimate they'll need $20 billion to rebuild the electricity system alone. On water treatment, Ghazi Naji Majid, director-general of the Public Works Ministry, says plans for six major plants are on hold "until the money becomes available."

Even where there's money, plans can stall. Majid said his ministry has stopped building a water-treatment plant in Abu Ghraib, just outside Baghdad, "because workers were being kidnapped and killed." Within a few days last month, in the northern city of Beiji, attackers killed 12 men — engineers and others — who worked for the important local oil refinery and power plant.

Insurgency, lack of money, widespread corruption, inadequate training, poor maintenance — all threaten to undercut even what's been accomplished. Congressional auditors, from the Government Accountability Office, went back to check completed water-treatment plants in Iraq and found that one-quarter of them were operating below capacity or not at all.

To preserve what's been done, to aid "sustainability," the 2006 U.S. budget allocates almost $300 million to operations and training at new or rebuilt power and water plants and other facilities.

"What you don't want to happen is for facilities to fail because they didn't know which part was broken, or they didn't have the part," said David Leach, in charge of capacity development for the U.S. projects agency.

Leach sees a "high risk with the investments we've made." Iraq's violence can make it difficult for trainers and trainees even to get to their work sites, he said.

"A lot of trips get canceled," he said.

One project, the Balad Ruz water-treatment plant 40 miles north of Baghdad, will become a test case in this transitional year. The Americans supervised the building and purchase of equipment for the plant, but after June 1 the Iraqis must install the equipment and lay 25 miles of pipe to deliver water to some 55,000 residents.

"It's meant to start to develop their talent for finishing projects," said Air Force Col. John Medeiros, project overseer. "It's a case of 'Let's give you something to galvanize yourself around.'"

The special inspector-general wonders, however, how well a Baghdad government will "galvanize." In his January report to Congress, Bowen recommended that instead the Americans should keep their hand in reconstruction for three or four more years.

Far from the halls of Congress and such budget decisions, the U.S. project managers here work with their spreadsheets and blueprints in the cavernous rooms of what once was a museum to Saddam. They haven't given up on possible major new infusions of U.S. money.

"We've just gone through a drill: If you get additional funding, what would you do with it?" said Tom Waters, deputy director for electricity. Fallon, a civil engineer and 30-year-plus veteran of the Army Corps of Engineers, said a contingency plan has been drafted that would "take us to the next levels."

But so far no one's showing them the money.

"The question is, when do you pull the plug?" Fallon said. "We stand that risk of maybe taking a step or two back if we walk out. I'm concerned."

If it's left to the Iraqis and the insurgency rages on, he said, "I don't know if they'll ever make it."