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To: American Spirit who wrote (68316)5/20/2006 2:38:14 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 362860
 
John Kerry Delivers Kenyon College Commencement Address
____________________________________________________________

By Senator John Kerry
Kenyon College
Saturday 20 May 2006

Class of 2006 - fellow survivors of November 2, 2004. I'm happy to be here at this beautiful school, which had my admiration long before that night when the country wondered whether I would win - and whether you would vote.

Your website has a profile of a very smart math major in the class of 2006. Joe Neilson. He said that once, after a statistics course here, he realized "the probability of any event in our lives is about zero." "I probably spent a week," Joe said, "annoying my friends by saying: "What are the odds?" Well Joe, what were the odds that we'd be linked by those long hours - not that I keep track - 560 days ago? Like everyone that night, I admired the tenacity of Kenyon students. But what you did went far beyond tenacity.

My wife, Teresa, is honored by the degree you grant her, today. But she's also here to honor you because when you grow up in a dictatorship as she did, when you don't get a chance to vote until you're thirty-one , when you see your father voting for the first time in his seventies, you know what a privilege it is to cast a ballot.

Through that long night, we in Massachusetts watched you in Gambier. We were honored. We were inspired. We were determined not to concede until our team had checked every possibility. If you could stay up all night to vote, we could certainly stay up that next day to make sure your vote would count. In the end, we couldn't close the gap. We would have given anything to have fulfilled your hopes.

And I also thank those who cast a ballot for my opponent. I wish all Republicans had been just like you at Kenyon - informed, willing to stand up for your views - and only 10 percent of the vote. Actually, all of you, through your patience, and good humor showed Americans that politics matters to young people. And so I really do thank every student here.

I especially want to thank someone who isn't a student. Because at the meeting Hayes was kind enough to mention - and I did take notes - the alums made it clear how much they'd been influenced by great friends, great teachers. Or a great coach.

I know what it's like to be on a team before an important game. I know how crucial that last practice can be. For the field hockey team, that November 2nd was the last day before the Oberlin game. Winning meant getting into the league championship - and from there to the NCAAs. So I can understand why players were upset after hours waiting in line at the polling place that afternoon. When Maggie Hill called her coach to ask if she should come back to practice - you'd expect the coach to say 'you better believe it.'

This coach had a different reaction. "I'll cancel practice," she said, "and I'm sending the whole team to vote." In that one moment she became a hero to me, and an example to many. It takes a special coach to know there are more important things than a big game. We should all express our gratitude to Robin Cash. Her values are the values of Kenyon.

By the way, for parents who may not remember - Kenyon played brilliantly - and won that Oberlin game 3-zip.

Now, it's not as if seeing brilliance here at Kenyon is a surprise. Like everybody, I know that when you look at a resume and see a Kenyon degree, you think, "Smart. Committed. Good writer." And maybe, "Likes to see a lot of stars at night."

But there's more. The Kenyon alums I met with were so eloquent about what it meant to be here, where all your friends live, study, and play along a one mile path in a town surrounded by cornfields. One said, "I came here on a cold, rainy October, but after my interview I saw professors having coffee at the deli, and heard everybody so excited about the Tom Stoppard play they were putting on - I fell in love with the place." Someone else said, "Intelligent conversation permeates the whole campus." Another said - and I don't think he was kidding - "Nobody gets drunk at Commencement."

We talked until I got dragged into an intelligence briefing from the White House. Believe me, I learned more at the Kenyon meeting.

What they said sounded very familiar. And important. Because there are other places where you can find a small community - where the bonds you forge will never dissolve. You can find it on a tiny boat in the rivers of Vietnam's Mekong Delta. You can even find it in the Senate - sometimes.

Someone described to me what it's like walking into Gund for dinner after your girl friend breaks up with you. You see every single person staring to make sure you're all right. I thought, "Sounds like walking into the Democratic Caucus after that first New Hampshire poll."

The fact is, the Kenyon grads in Washington didn't agree on everything. But they agreed that Kenyon is a place where you have the luxury of examining an idea not for whether it sounds good but for whether it is good.

Actually, one Kenyon parent told me something that bothered him. His son took Quest for Justice his first semester here. That's not what bothered him. But, the class met early in the morning, and his son made every class. After years of pushing his kid to get out of bed, the father wanted to know, "What changed?" His son said, "Dad, I could disappoint you. But not Professor Baumann."

And that brings up one of the things I want to talk about. For the Election Day event that united us was a disappointment. There's no way around it. Even as we flew in over Columbus this morning, I was looking down at the Ohio landscape, thinking: we came so close. So what. You cannot go through life without disappointment. No team, no politician, no writer, no scientist - no one avoids defeat.

The question is: what do you do next?

It's simple: you pick yourself up and keep on fighting. Losing a battle doesn't mean you've lost the war. Whether it's a term paper, an experiment or a race for President, you will learn from experience, and experience breeds success.

That's important, because frankly there are so many things to fight for. By that, I don't just mean the things we fight over in the halls of Congress. Kenyon produces graduates that produce our literature and drama - like E.L. Doctorow did with The March, 54 years after leaving Gambier. Or Allison Janney did on West Wing - the first show ever to portray politics with something approaching the complexity it deserves. Your challenge is to produce and perform the rich imaginative works that move and illuminate your time. Kenyon has vastly expanded its science programs. And your challenge is to fight in laboratories against enemies like the tiny HIV virus that has created the most devastating epidemic in human history - killing more people every two hours than there are in this graduating class. At a time when we read about the high-tech jobs of a globalized world, your challenge is to find a way to educate the millions of Americans who can't get those jobs because they can't read well enough to understand how to get online.

And now, we are engaged in a misguided war. Like the war of my generation, it began with an official deception. It's a war that in addition to the human cost - the tragedy of tens of thousands of Iraqis and Americans dead and wounded - will cost a trillion dollars. Enough to endow 10,000 Kenyons. Money that could fight poverty, disease, and hunger. And so, your challenge is also to find a way to reclaim America's conscience. I have no doubt you will. For one thing you have great role models. Like your parents, sitting out there under the trees. You may laugh looking at the old photos of your dad in a ponytail, and your mom in bellbottoms and that crazy, tie-dyed shirt. But their generation too faced the task of ending a war. And they did.

And went on to invent Earth Day, march against racism, bring women into the workplace and become the first generation to usher in an acceptance for all people regardless of race, religion, gender or sexuality.

They honored democracy by making government face issues of conscience - and I ask you to applaud them for making the world better BEFORE they made it better by making you what you are!

And of course, in addition to those sitting behind you - you have great role models sitting among you. Students from this class who had a dream, took a chance, and have already achieved great things.

I know, because sitting here is a student who dreamed of being published, and felt ambitious enough to send a poem he'd written for class to the Chatauqua Literary Journal. And so Sam Anderson became a published poet at the age of 21.

I know, because sitting here is a student who, watched a cousin struggle with Duchenne Muscular Dystrophy, dreamed of finding a way to help - and designed a project that involved her with the leading DMD researcher in the world. Now Amy Aloe's been invited to work in his ground-breaking lab.

I know, because sitting here is a student who dreamed of returning to the country of her birth, the country that shaped a part of my life. And in Vietnam, Nhu Truong could examine not just issues, but the more difficult job of examining herself..

They all took a chance. If you ever despair of making a difference you'll have Kenyon people to remind you of what's possible if you take that chance.

And not just from the class of '06.

One of the alums mentioned that every week, a group of them meet to talk about issues. They don't think alike about every idea, he said. But they share a passion for ideas they learned here. Another asked me to tell those of you suspicious of government, that "it's made up of a lot of people like us, trying to make things better."

The group included one alum who's well known here - and getting well known in Washington. But a while back he was just a nervous 24-year old, sitting silently in a meeting with a new Secretary of State. Until he got up the nerve to raise his hand and make a point. "Who's that young, red-haired kid?" Condoleeza Rice said afterward, to an aide. "Keep your eye on him." No, she didn't mean he was a security risk. He'd said something that, as a Washington Post reporter put it, "crystallized her thoughts about foreign policy." And now Chris Brose, Kenyon 2002, travels everywhere with Secretary Rice, not just crafting her speeches but talking about policy. I wish the policies were a little different, but he's making a mark. He's making a difference. You know, during World War II, my father was flying planes in the Army Air Corps. While he was away on duty, my mother was volunteering to care for the sick and wounded. She sent him a letter about it. "You have no idea of the ways in which one can be useful right now," she wrote. "There's something for everyone to do." She was right about her time. And what she wrote is right about yours too.

In a few minutes you will walk across this stage for your diploma. You'll line up on the steps of Rosse Hall to sing for the last time. You'll turn in your hoods, go back and finish packing. Maybe sell that ratty sofa to somebody from the class of 2007. And then you'll watch the cars pull away. I know you've heard too many times the old saying that commencement is not an end but a beginning. The truth is, it's both. It is a day to feel sad about leaving Gambier. It's a day to feel eager about what lies ahead. Because you have a special mission. Those who worked to end a war long ago, now ask you to help end a war today. Those who worked to end poverty ask you to finish what we have left undone. We ask you to take a chance. We ask you to work for change. Promise yourselves, promise your parents, promise your teachers that you will use what you have learned. Don't doubt for an instant that you can. Only doubt those pessimists who say you can't. For all along the way, I promise, that while you leave the campus, Kenyon will never leave you.

You will be linked by the experiences vividly brought to life today by Hayes Wong, who experienced them with you.

As you fight for justice in this world, you will be linked by the insights you all had in courses like Quest for Justice. You will be linked to classmates whose success you predict will take the world by storm - and to some whose success takes you by surprise. You will be linked by the times you sat on a bench in Middle Path and argued about politics with people whose views you opposed - and learned you could disagree and still be friends. At some point you'll see that this small campus that changed you has already produced enormous change in the world.

But much more is urgently needed.

Remember that the bedrock of America's greatest advances-the foundation of all we take for granted today - was formed not by cheering on things as they were, but by taking them on and demanding change. No wonder Thomas Jefferson himself said that "dissent is the highest form of patriotism."

So if you're not satisfied with the dialogue today, if you feel your issues are being ignored, speak out, act out, and make your issues the voting issues of our nation.

You might say, "who's he kidding? We can't do that." Well, I remember when you couldn't even mention environmental issues without a snicker. But then in the '70s people got tired of seeing the Cuyahoga River catch on fire from all the pollution. So one day millions of Americans marched. Politicians had no choice but to take notice. Twelve Congressmen were dubbed the Dirty Dozen, and soon after seven were kicked out of office. The floodgates were opened. We got the Clean Air Act, The Clean Water Act and Safe Drinking Water. We created the EPA. The quality of life improved because concerned citizens made their issues matter in elections.

So it's up to you now to take up the challenge of your times if you want to restore a politics of big ideas, not small-minded attacks.

Make no mistake - you'll meet resistance. You'll find plenty of people who think you should just keep your mouths shut or that by speaking out you're somehow less than patriotic. But that's not really new either. When we protested the war in Vietnam some would weigh in against us saying: "My country right or wrong." Our response was simple: "Yes, my country right or wrong. When right, keep it right and when wrong, make it right."

Graduates of the Class of 2006, you know how to make it right - and you will see that it came from what you learned here: from a class so compelling you were awake at the crack of dawn to learn - from that night Teresa and I will never forget when you waited patiently till 4:15 at a polling place in Gambier - or from a coach who knew that her mission was to teach you how to win on and off the field.

Congratulations - and God Bless.



To: American Spirit who wrote (68316)5/20/2006 3:27:55 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 362860
 
Changing horses in midstream: Why it's harder
_____________________________________________________

By Ronald Brownstein and Janet Hook

Los Angeles Times

WASHINGTON — In this year's midterm election, control of Congress may turn on whether the public's clear desire for change is powerful enough to overcome the resistance to change built into the political system.

Public-opinion surveys show approval ratings for President Bush and the Republican-controlled Congress falling to their lowest levels.

On many measures, Bush and the GOP are facing at least as much dissatisfaction as Democrats and President Clinton did just before the 1994 midterm landslide that swept Republicans into control of the House and Senate.

But today's wave of dissatisfaction is crashing into a political structure that is much more stable than in 1994. It now is tougher to beat House incumbents or to win Senate seats in states that usually back the other party in presidential elections.

To gain a majority in the House, Democrats need a net gain of 15 seats. To capture the Senate, they need a net gain of six seats.

Hunkering down

It won't be easy for them to reach either number, experts in both parties agree. But analysts say it is no longer inconceivable Democrats could capture one — or both — of the chambers.

As a result, some Republican incumbents who thought themselves secure are girding for the worst by stockpiling campaign cash and, where necessary, spending it early. To coordinate political strategy, House GOP leaders have begun holding weekly meetings for staff members of about a dozen of the most vulnerable Republicans.

Democrats, meanwhile, are trying to broaden the battlefield, recruiting serious challengers to House Republicans who have not been targeted in the past. The political action committee associated with the liberal group MoveOn.org already has aired advertisements attacking four such incumbents — including Nancy L. Johnson, R-Conn., a veteran lawmaker who has responded with ads of her own.

With voters unhappy over high gasoline prices, the war in Iraq and scandals in the Capitol, Democrats are looking to frame the race as a national referendum on the country's direction and to tie Republicans to Bush.

Standing apart?

In states as different as Arizona and Pennsylvania, Democratic Senate challengers are highlighting statistics that show GOP incumbents supporting Bush on legislation almost all of the time.

"The idea of Republicans being a rubber stamp for Bush is pretty powerful," said Democratic pollster Geoff Garin.

By contrast, most Republicans are trying to localize and personalize their races. They believe the GOP will fare better if the election is seen not as a retrospective referendum on Bush and Congress, but as a choice about which party has better ideas for the future.

"We are going to have to make this into [an election] ... where people say, 'I might not be happy with Republicans overall, but this Democrat is too risky,' " said GOP pollster Glen Bolger.

Another element is apparent in the subtle — or sometimes overt — efforts of Republican candidates to distance themselves from Bush.

Sen. Mike DeWine, R-Ohio, facing a tough re-election race, recently had a fundraiser featuring Bush but avoided being photographed with the president because the event was closed to reporters. DeWine's latest television ad ends with a line calling him an "independent fighter for Ohio families."

Notwithstanding low poll numbers, no expert in either party is forecasting Democratic gains comparable to the 52 House and eight Senate seats the GOP won in 1994.

One reason is that Republicans have discouraged retirements more effectively. The party this year is defending one open seat in the Senate and 18 in the House; Democrats 12 years ago were defending six open Senate seats and 31 open House seats.

The larger challenge for Democrats is that there are far fewer competitive House districts than in 1994, giving the party a much smaller battleground.

At roughly this point in 1994, the nonpartisan Cook Political Report identified 100 House seats as competitive; now, it finds only 35.

Redistricting

The decrease in competitive seats partly reflects the way district lines were redrawn after the 2000 census — with precision aimed at preserving safe seats for most incumbents of both parties.

"Voters get to choose their congressmen, but in redistricting, congressmen get to choose their voters," said GOP pollster David Winston.

Another key difference separates today from 1994. In that earlier contest, about three-fifths of the Democratic House losses came in districts, many of them in the South, that had voted for President George H.W. Bush two years earlier. But now, each party already controls the vast majority of House seats that usually support their side in presidential elections. Republicans represent just 18 House districts that Democratic Sen. John Kerry of Massachusetts carried in the 2004 presidential election.

For Democrats, maximizing their gains in these districts — and in other House races in the mostly Democratic-leaning states of the Northeast and Midwest — is a priority.

State by state

In New York, for instance, Democrats are targeting five districts held by Republicans. The effort to capture these seats could benefit from strength at the top of the ticket: Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton, D-N.Y., is facing only token opposition, and Democrat Eliot Spitzer is expected to win the gubernatorial race handily.

In Connecticut, Democrats are gunning at two frequent targets — moderate Republican Reps. Christopher Shays and Rob Simmons — as well as Johnson. In Pennsylvania, Democrats hope to defeat four Republicans in districts that voted for Kerry in 2004. Ohio offers another cluster of targets.

But to build a House majority, Democrats must pick up seats in other regions, including "red" states that backed Bush in 2004. In Indiana, the party recruited a sheriff, Brad Ellsworth, to take on perennial target Rep. John Hostettler, and mounted more-longshot challenges against Reps. Mike Sodrel and Chris Chocola.

To win the Senate, Democrats need even greater gains in states that ordinarily lean Republican in presidential races.

Democrats hold 28 of the 36 Senate seats in the 18 states that voted for Kerry in 2004 and the party's 2000 presidential nominee, Al Gore. This year, two GOP senators from such "blue" states top the Democratic target list.

In Pennsylvania, incumbent Rick Santorum — a longtime champion of GOP conservative causes — is locked in a high-profile race with Democratic state Treasurer Bob Casey Jr.

Turning back tide

The more critical test for Democrats in the battle for the Senate is reducing the Republican advantage in seats from states that Bush carried in the 2004 and 2000 presidential races. The GOP controls 44 of the 58 Senate seats in those 29 states.

The three red-state Republican senators seen as most vulnerable are Conrad Burns in Montana, DeWine in Ohio and Jim Talent in Missouri.

Even if Democrats win all five of these competitive Senate races — a problematic prospect — they still must score surprise victories in even more challenging red-state terrain to take over the Senate.

The most likely upset victims are Sens. Jon Kyl, R-Ariz., and George Allen, R-Va. Democrats also are hoping a divisive GOP primary battle in Tennessee could pave the way for their party's candidate, Rep. Harold E. Ford Jr., to win the seat being vacated by Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist.

Any Senate pickups this year would be gravy for Republicans, who recognize that in years when polls found a strong desire for change — such as 1986 and 1994 — almost all close Senate races fell to the party out of power.

Copyright © 2006 The Seattle Times Company

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