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To: Sun Tzu who wrote (187351)5/25/2006 2:51:28 PM
From: Nadine Carroll  Respond to of 281500
 
The path out of denial

The idea that the Euston Manifesto is pro-war is a result of a misreading of the geography of the left

Norman Geras
Thursday May 25, 2006
The Guardian

Was the Euston Manifesto written, as some wags now say, in a pub? Well, no. Would you want beer spilt over your manifesto? Would you want it smelling of smoke? The document was mooted in one pub and discussed in another. But it was written where things get written these days, on computers. And this, in a sense, is also where it came from - out of the blogosphere and into the world.

The manifesto, which has its public launch today, states a commitment to certain general principles and identifies patterns of left-liberal argument that we think fall short of those principles. So we commend the democratic norms and institutions that typify the liberal democracies, despite their shortcomings, and criticise those on the left who make excuses for undemocratic movements and regimes. We affirm the importance of universal human rights, rejecting the cultural-relativist arguments and double standards by which these values get watered down or inconsistently applied. We express our opposition to terrorism and to indulgently "understanding" (where this means condoning) it because it is thought to be motivated by legitimate grievances. We state an attachment to a broad ideal of equality in all spheres, from gender relations to economic justice. The full text is at www.eustonmanifesto.org

Since it was published in April, the Euston Manifesto has generated an enormous volume of comment, from supportive, through critical, to jolly unfriendly. The abstract generality of its principles is one point of complaint. But we make no claim to have formulated a programme for government; we hope merely to remind people on the liberal-left of the values they ought to be defending. A related point is the suggestion that this wish to remind is needless, since the manifesto's criticisms don't apply beyond a tiny section of the far left. But this suggestion isn't true, as has been amply documented on the blogs.

A third reaction is that of people who see the manifesto as pro-war - referring to the Iraq war. The short answer here is: no, it isn't. This is stated as clearly as can be in the document itself, and it is a plain fact that a number of the original signatories opposed that war.

But a longer answer is worth spelling out for what it reveals about the "geography" of the left in relation to the Iraq war, and how this is simplified by some of the war's opponents. Their story is of a three-way division within left-liberal opinion, comprising: (1) those who supported the war, the "left hawks" or "muscular liberals"; (2) on the other side, but merely marginal, a small body of anti-war opinion - people in and around the Socialist Workers party and Respect - actually wanting America to come to grief in Iraq, supporting or making apology for the so-called resistance and its murderous methods; (3) in between these, the largest sector of anti-war opinion, opposing the war for a combination of reasons, prominent among these the belief that it was likely to turn out badly.

This mapping of the terrain underlies the mystification over how people who opposed the war could support the Euston Manifesto, and also the upset over criticisms directed at the left, when according to that map they apply only to a few souls on the far and hard left.

The real geography, however, has been different. Within the large "middle" sector of left-liberal opinion opposed to the war there has been, from the start, a differentiating subdivision - between those who opposed the war without being in denial about the considerations on the other side of the argument, and those who precisely have been in denial about them. This latter group extends well beyond the far left.

The signs of denial are abundant in the recent public life of the western democracies: in the banners and slogans for that Saturday on February 15 2003, from which one would never have known that Saddam's Iraq was a foul tyranny; in the numbers of those on the left unwilling to allow, many indeed unable to comprehend, why others of us supported a regime-change war; in a constant stream of comment in liberal daily papers and weeklies of the left; in the excommunications issued and more recent calls for apology or recantation; and, most seriously, in the perceptible lack of interest in initiatives of solidarity with the forces in Iraq battling for a democratic transformation of their country, part of a wider lack of enthusiasm for the success of this enterprise given its origins in a war led by George Bush.

That is the actual geography, with four regions, not three. A significant segment of the international left lost touch with some of its most important values.

Conceived in a small blogospheric space because of a hunch that there were people out there in the world who found this state of affairs troubling, the Euston Manifesto stepped out. And the hunch has been confirmed.

· Norman Geras is a professor of government at the University of Manchester and one of the authors of the Euston Manifesto

guardian.co.uk



To: Sun Tzu who wrote (187351)5/26/2006 10:28:19 AM
From: michael97123  Respond to of 281500
 
HI Sun,
Unlike you sure i am not at all sure whether this is sincere or another mideast bargaining tactic used by all the peoples of the region including the israelis.
Having said that, i see no reason why the US and Iran shouldnt talk? We will find out soon enough if this is real. Wasnt it reagan that said "trust but verify"? If it was good enough for the old USSR back then, it seems to me to be good enough for iran today.

Iran to U.S.: Stop bluster, let's talk
Ambassador says Iran must be part of solution on nuclear issue

Friday, May 26, 2006; Posted: 4:39 a.m. EDT (08:39 GMT)
UNITED NATIONS (CNN) -- Iran's ambassador to the United Nations said Tehran wants to work directly with the United States on an "easily attainable" resolution, if Washington drops "the intimidation tactics."

Ambassador Mohammad Javad Zarif's statement came the day after the International Atomic Energy Agency pleaded with Iran to continue talks with European nations that want to offer it incentives in exchange for ending its nuclear-enrichment program.

"We are prepared to engage in serious discussion in order to resolve this issue, and we have not made any exception with regard to the United States," Zarif said on Thursday.

Iran ended its voluntary cooperation with the IAEA in February, which included ending surprise inspections of its nuclear facilities.

Despite accusations from the United States and other countries that Iran is pursuing nuclear weapons, Iran has maintained that its nuclear program is solely for peaceful purposes.

That beef would need to be resolved before Iran and the United States could have any meaningful discussion, Zarif said, explaining that Washington must acknowledge that Iran has a right to nuclear technology under the nuclear nonproliferation treaty.

At the same time, Zarif said, Iran would have to acknowledge that it has a responsibility not to pursue nuclear weapons. This is in Iran's best interests, he said, because "from a sober, strategic analysis, Iran's security will be decreased by possession or pursuit of nuclear weapons, rather than increased."

The United States could get further with Iran if it were to "ban the pressure tactics, the intimidation tactics" and talk with Iran directly, rather than through European nations and the United Nations, he said.

"If they're looking for solutions, why are they not talking to one side of the problem?" Zarif asked. "There is a resolution to this situation, and the resolution is easily attainable, provided you look for it."

President Bush, speaking at a news conference with British Prime Minister Tony Blair, rejected the idea of approaching Iran with incentives.

"They're the ones who walked away from the table," he said. "It's on them."

Iran, he said, "needs a government that is going to recognize that part of being a great country is to be in line with your international obligations."

Earlier Thursday, U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations John Bolton told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that the five permanent members of the Security Council -- the United States, United Kingdom, France, Russia and China -- and Germany met Wednesday in London, England, to discuss an incentives package for Iran.

He did not elaborate, but said it was the Iranian regime -- not the Iranian people -- that made the prospect of Iran possessing nuclear weapons so worrisome.

Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has repeatedly said that the Holocaust is a myth and that Israel should be destroyed.

"It is with this in mind that (Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice) has requested a $75 million increase from Congress to support democratic efforts within the country," Bolton said.

'Iran likes respect'
As for the incentives package, Zarif said a "carrot-and-stick" approach is not the way to proceed with negotiations.

"It's not whether Iran likes carrots," he said. "Iran likes respect. Iran demands respect. If there is to be a solution in Iran, Iran has to be part of the solution. We don't expect others to cook for us something and then present it to us and then tell us, 'Eat it or else.' This is not the way Iranians do international business."

Last week, Ahmadinejad scoffed at a European incentives package that would have provided Iran with a light-water nuclear reactor and other considerations in exchange for it giving up its enrichment program.

"Do you think you are dealing with a 4-year-old child to whom you can give some walnuts and chocolates and get gold from him?" Ahmadinejad said during a speech last week in central Iran.

In a speech Thursday, Ahmadinejad said that nations opposed to Iran's use of nuclear technology simply don't want to recognize the nation's independence and its status as a role model for other nations, according to the Islamic Republic News Agency.

"This is mainly because Iran's achievements in all fields further motivates the vigilance of the world's free and independent nations, which eventually will lead to the downfall of the global arrogance," IRNA quoted Ahmadinejad as saying.

IAEA chief Mohamed ElBaradei has long maintained that the United States needs to talk to Iran about its nuclear program, but Washington has preferred to let France, Germany and Britain talk with Tehran.

"There are plenty of people who want to make this a U.S.-Iran bilateral issue," State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said in a briefing Wednesday. "Our approach, and we think it's the right approach, and it's the approach supported by our partners in the international community, is to make this an international, multilateral approach."

According to diplomats, Europeans want to offer Tehran a civil nuclear program with fuel guarantees and a light-water reactor, economic investment and political and security guarantees.

Several administration officials said there are serious splits between the United States and other Security Council members over the proposed incentives package for Iran because Washington feels the incentives go too far and Russia and China have not shown support for proposed penalties if Tehran refuses to comply.
cnn.com