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To: Sully- who wrote (22552)12/4/2006 2:04:03 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Falling Behind?

Another embryonic-stem-cell claim refuted.

By Yuval Levin
National Review Online

Democratic leaders Nancy Pelosi and Harry Reid have made clear that overturning President Bush’s embryonic-stem-cell-research-funding policy will be high on their agenda when they take the reins of the Congress. So come January, it seems we are in for yet another performance of the great stem-cell drama on Capitol Hill.

Opponents of the president’s funding policy have by now repeated their lines in this drama so often that every observer has come to know them by heart: It seems 100 million people are sick (every third American?), only embryonic stem cells can help them (based on what proof?), and by insisting on withholding taxpayer dollars from newly derived lines of cells, President Bush is preventing progress and cures, and causing American scientists to fall behind their counterparts abroad.

This bizarre morality tale is told and retold ad nauseam, and has surely sunk in. But now and then, some fragment of fact breaks through the din and threatens the narrative, and for just a brief moment — before that fact, too, is pushed to the side — it seems like the story might fall apart.

The latest such troublesome truth has to do with what is usually the final piece of the great stem-cell narrative: that American scientists are falling behind foreigners because of the Bush-administration’s funding policy. That policy, let us recall, does provide (and for the first time) funding for embryonic-stem-cell research, but only for lines of cells that existed before the policy came into effect, not for those created after. That way, taxpayer dollars (more than $100 million so far) can advance the research, but without encouraging the ongoing destruction of human embryos.

This one ethical limit, say opponents of the policy, sets American scientists behind their foreign counterparts in the embryonic-stem-cell race. “The administration’s policies have left our researchers far behind the rest of the world,” California Senator Dianne Feinstein claimed on the Senate floor in June. Another Democrat, Rep. Diana DeGette of Colorado, traveled all the way to Britain that same month to assert that “leadership in this area of research has shifted to the United Kingdom.”

There is, of course, a simple way to test these claims. Just count the number of stem-cell publications produced by scientists in different countries. In the October issue of the scientific journal Stem Cells, a group of German scientists did just that. Their paper, in plain terms and lucid tones, utterly demolishes the notion that American scientists are the slow runners in the global embryonic-stem-cell race.

The team reviewed all original human-embryonic-stem-cell-research publications from 1998 (when such cells were first derived in humans) to the end of 2005. Fully 40 percent (125) of these publications came from one country: the United States. The rest were divided among 20 other nations, with the next nearest competitor (Israel) claiming only 13 percent (42) of the papers. The British, Congresswoman DeGette notwithstanding, came in third with just 9 percent, or 30 publications. A very lopsided lead for America.

And the lead seems to be holding, despite prior reports to the contrary.
The last major review of embryonic-stem-cell publications, which covered the period from 1998 to 2004, was undertaken earlier this year by two American researchers, Jason Owen-Smith of the University of Michigan, and Jennifer McCormick of Stanford, and published in the April 2006 issue of Nature Biotechnology. The two clearly set out to prove the claim that Americans were falling behind, and when their data showed otherwise (like this latest study, they found a sizeable American lead) they sought frantically to spin it. Through a series of comical contortions (including comparing American scientists alone to those of the entire rest of the world combined, rather than those in individual countries) they managed to crunch their numbers to show that America’s lead is declining. If you squint just right and look sideways at the numbers, such twisted analysis just might let you hold on to the “falling behind” narrative. And indeed, after showing a sizeable American lead, Owen-Smith and McCormick, without a hint of irony, wrote: “The United States is falling behind in the international race to make fundamental discoveries in hES cell–related fields.”

Unlike the more recent German study, Owen-Smith and McCormick declined to make their full data public (perhaps fearing it would be used as ammunition by supporters of the Bush policy), so it was hard to tell exactly what contortions they engaged in. But the authors of this latest study figured it out. They note that their data does not agree with the previous study’s claim that America’s lead is declining, pointing out that even if you just count papers published in 2004 or 2005 alone, Americans still published roughly 40% of all embryonic-stem-cell studies. “These divergent findings,” the German group writes, “are probably due to the fact that international collaborations of U.S. groups have been marked as ‘collaborative research’ by Owen-Smith and McCormick.” In other words, the previous study excluded from the American count publications on which even one researcher was from a foreign lab, and so arrived at an artificially low number.

This latest paper — which, not surprisingly, has received essentially no press coverage — simply and decisively disproves a critical contention of opponents of the Bush policy. But it is important to be clear about exactly what that means.

The limits on federal funding of embryonic-stem-cell research exist for ethical reasons, not scientific ones. They exist to make sure the government does not endorse the destruction of human life for research, and thus undermine the American ideal of basic human equality. If upholding that principle meant that no stem-cell research at all could proceed, doing so would be no less (or more) justified than it is now. The fact that the principle can be upheld while still enabling so much research to go forward is not the reason the policy is justified. But it is a reason to hope that science and ethics need not stand in opposition to each other. With the right kinds of careful policies, and the right kinds of innovative scientific techniques, science and ethics can go hand-in-hand.

Opponents of the Bush policy, in insisting it sets American scientists behind their foreign counterparts, implicitly argue that science and ethics cannot go hand-in-hand, and that we are forced to choose between them. We now see they are wrong not only in principle, but also in fact.

— Yuval Levin is a fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center and senior editor of the The New Atlantis magazine.

article.nationalreview.com

feinstein.senate.gov

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To: Sully- who wrote (22552)1/10/2007 1:19:46 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
An Unreal Debate

Stem-cell ideologues vs. the facts.

By Yuval Levin
National Review Online

This week offers a perfect snapshot of the sorry state of the embryonic-stem-cell-research debate. On Monday, the newspapers were full of headlines about a new scientific paper showing that stem cells derived from amniotic fluid appear to have many of the same capabilities as embryonic stem cells, but without the ethical pitfalls of embryo destruction. But on Thursday, the House of Representatives plans to take up once again a bill that would overturn President Bush’s stem-cell-research-funding policy, and have the government use taxpayer money to encourage the destruction of embryos for their cells.

That disconnect mirrors the larger detachment of the political push for embryonic-stem-cell funding from the actual facts on the ground. Again and again, advocates for relaxing the ethical standards on funding make assertions and arguments with no basis in fact. Again and again they refuse to acknowledge the increasing evidence that genuine alternatives to embryo-destructive research may be possible.

The false claims are familiar by now.
We continue to hear there is a “ban” on federal funding of embryonic-stem-cell research. But in fact, the Bush administration was the first to fund the research, and has devoted well over $100 million to it since 2001, though only in ways that do not encourage the further destruction of embryos.

We continue to hear that 100 million Americans are sick and could be cured by stem-cell research, but it is hard to imagine what that claim might be based on. In March of last year, Rep. Mark Souder (R., Ind.) had the following exchange in writing with Dr. James Battey, director of the NIH Stem Cell Task Force:

<<< Souder: A common figure tossed around regarding the “promise” of embryonic stem cell research is that it can provide cures for 100 million people. Is there any scientific evidence to actually support that claim?

Battey: It is unclear where this statistic came from. Human embryonic stem cell (hESC) research is a relatively new field of science, having been first reported by James Thomson at the University of Wisconsin in 1998. More basic research needs to be conducted in the laboratory before the full potential for treating diseases is clear. >>>

No one has since come forward to justify the figure, yet the stem-cell campaigners, including members of Congress, continue to use it.

We continue to hear that the stem-cell lines eligible for funding under the Bush policy are contaminated by exposure to animal cells, and therefore useless for any future therapeutic applications. But the FDA has plainly said that past exposure to animal products need not make a cell line ineligible for future use, and in any case a series of papers in the past year (most notably this one by stem-cell pioneer James Thomson) has shown animal materials can be removed from the existing lines. The most recent global survey of stem-cell work also shows that the Bush-approved lines continue to be used in a majority of embryonic-stem-cell projects worldwide — so researchers hardly consider them useless.

We continue to hear that the Bush-approved lines lack genetic diversity, or are not matched to patients with specific diseases. But the bill before the House this week would not address either point, since it would only make available more lines of cells derived from embryos created for in vitro fertilization. To match cell lines to patients using existing techniques, researchers would have to employ human cloning; and to derive a line with a genetic heritage not commonly represented by IVF patients, they would have to create embryos specifically to destroy them for research. Advocates of embryo-destructive research will likely move to endorse these radical steps next, but for the moment they claim they do not support the creation of embryos specifically for research, and in any case their bill would not fund it.

We continue to hear that American scientists are falling behind in embryonic-stem-cell research because federal support is lacking. But the latest numbers clearly demonstrate a large and stable American lead in the field. No other country even comes close to matching the output of American embryonic-stem-cell researchers.

We continue to hear that the American public passionately supports embryonic-stem-cell research and demands the loosening of the ethical boundaries imposed by President Bush. But actual surveys of public opinion suggest views are divided and not firmly held.

Strangely, though, for all this talk, the opponents of President Bush’s stem-cell-funding policy have not had much to say about the real news in the field over the past two years. That news has been almost exclusively about the emerging possibility of developing cells with the abilities of those derived from embryos, but without the need to harm human embryos.

A number of possible avenues have presented themselves. One would involve reprogramming adult cells to function like embryonic stem cells, whether by fusing them with existing stem-cell lines or by injecting them with the right combination of chemical factors. Another study has shown that such “pluripotent” cells could be derived from testes. And yet other researchers have begun to find cells with such capabilities in the placenta collected after birth, in human cord blood, and, as we saw earlier this week, also in amniotic fluid. Numerous labs around the world are now working to develop these techniques further, and to pursue more of them.

What we’re seeing is not exactly a search for one particular magic bullet to end the stem-cell debate. Rather, these studies show that the capacity to differentiate into a great many different cell types may not be exclusive to embryonic stem cells or any other one particular type of cell, and that the debate we have had now for the better part of a decade may have been based on a faulty premise to begin with.

All of this suggests the divisive fight over embryonic-stem-cell research might just be amenable to a consensus solution: a way to get the type of cells the scientists seek while avoiding any harm to nascent human life.

But advocates of looser funding rules will not take “yes” for an answer. Rather than jump at the chance to promote a common-ground way forward on stem cells, they have chosen to ignore the emerging alternatives, and insist that embryo-destructive research must be funded.

Last year, when the Congress passed the very same bill the House will consider this week, several members of both houses proposed an additional bill that would have encouraged research into new ethical methods of deriving embryonic-like cells. The Senate passed the bill unanimously. But in the House, most of the Democrats and a few Republican opponents of the president’s policy decided they could not support the search for a solution. They opposed the bill, and prevented its passage. Their intransigence sent a very strange message: They would have the federal government fund the exploration of pluripotent stem cells only if it involved destroying human embryos. Otherwise, they were not interested. They would only back the science if it were controversial. These opponents of the stem-cell-alternatives bill included the entire Democratic House leadership, and this year they have prevented the same bill from even coming to a vote.

Step by step these past few years, the public arguments for overturning the Bush funding policy and using taxpayer dollars to encourage embryo destruction have fallen apart, and the possibility of a consensus solution to this divisive battle has emerged. But the leaders of the effort to overturn the president’s policy have opted to ignore the facts and turn down a potential solution. They would prefer a political rallying point over a scientific way forward. Let us hope the Congress as a whole does not make the same choice.

— Yuval Levin is a fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center and senior editor of The New Atlantis magazine.

article.nationalreview.com

washingtonpost.com

bioethics.gov

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To: Sully- who wrote (22552)1/11/2007 11:27:43 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Science Obviates Politics

By JAY LEFKOWITZ
The New York Sun
January 11, 2007

The new Democratic leadership in Congress thinks it has a winning issue and possibly the votes to defy President Bush on stem cell funding. But an announcement this week by scientists at Harvard and Wake Forest universities appears to vindicate his policy and may relegate the national debate over stem cell research to a political side show.

Researchers have found that amniotic fluid is a fertile source for the kind of stem cells, called pluripotent, that can turn into several types of human cell tissue and potentially cure diseases. They already have succeeded in converting these stem cells into brain, liver, and bone cells, and even into heart cells that could grow to be replacement heart valves.

For five years, Democrats have sharply criticized the president's policy, with Democratic candidates making the issue a mainstay of their advertisements. The president has been all but blamed for the fact that millions of Americans with diseases and disabilities have not been cured. Most famously, in a speech at the last Democratic National Convention Ronald Reagan Jr. said that stem cell research "may be the greatest medical breakthrough in our or in any lifetime" and that these cells could "cure a wide range of fatal and debilitating illnesses: Parkinson's disease, multiple sclerosis, diabetes, lymphoma, spinal-cord injuries, and much more."

In order to understand the criticism of the president's stem cell policy, it is important to recall what he actually decided on August 9, 2001. At the time, federal funds had never been used to support research on embryonic stem cells. Although the president wanted to open the door to government funding for seemingly promising medical research, he objected to the fact that taxpayer dollars might be used to support or encourage the destruction of human embryos, which were believed to be the only source of embryonic stem cells. So the president struck a compromise. He allowed federal funding, but only on stem cell lines that were already in existence — as he put it, "where the life and death decision had already been made."

In early 2001, the president met with prominent scientists who told him that even a few stem cell lines would be sufficient to determine whether embryonic stem cell therapies were viable. In an interview a few weeks before the president's decision, Stanford University researcher Irving Weissman said that "a finite number would be sufficient. If we had 10-15 lines, no one would complain." Yet almost from the day the president announced his policy, the most often heard criticism has been that it does not permit sufficient stem cell research.

Initially, there may have been some credence to this argument. Throughout the latter half of 2001, only one stem cell line was available to researchers, in large part due to intellectual property issues and the reluctance of foreign institutions to make their lines accessible. But by 2003, 12 lines were available for federal funding, and today there are 22. These 22 lines have resulted in more than 700 shipments of stem cells to federally funded researchers, and the National Institutes of Health is poised to make thousands more available upon request. Moreover, given the absence of any restrictions on privately funded stem cell research, one imagines that if pharmaceutical companies believed that such therapies were indeed viable, there would be no shortage of private capital investment in the field.

At any rate, thanks to the development of new technologies and methods, many of which were developed with federal funds made available by the president's policy, there appear to be multiple sources of embryonic stem cells whose derivation does not require embryo destruction. The president's Council on Bioethics in May 2005 laid out several potential ways for harvesting embryonic stem cells without destroying embryos, and all of them have since been attempted and detailed in scientific journals.

The possibility of cell re-programming also is promising. Scientists from Japan's Institute for Frontier Medical Science have shown that altering just four genetic factors was sufficient to change adult cells into pluripotent stem cells. If this technique proves successful, it will allow an ample supply of these stem cells without the ethical complications of embryo destruction.

And now the news from Harvard and Wake Forest researchers is the most promising of all. If their work stands the test of time, there will be little argument that taxpayers should be forced to underwrite what many believe is the destruction of human life. As Congress prepares to override the president's stem cell policy, and as the president prepares to use his veto pen for only the second time — the first time was also to block stem cell legislation — we should keep in mind that science sometimes can get in the way of a good political fight.

Mr. Lefkowitz served as a domestic policy adviser to President Bush between 2001 and 2003.

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To: Sully- who wrote (22552)1/12/2007 1:07:44 AM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Bush’s Historic Veto

He held the line against a Brave New World.

By Charles Krauthammer
National Review Online

When President Bush announced in August 2001 his restrictive funding decision for federal embryonic-stem-cell research, he was widely attacked for an unwarranted intrusion of religion into scientific research. His solicitousness for a 200-cell organism — the early embryo that Bush declared should not be destroyed to produce a harvest of stem cells — was roundly denounced as reactionary and anti-scientific.

And cruel to boot. It was preventing the cure for thousands of people with hopeless and terrible diseases, from diabetes to spinal-cord injury. As John Edwards put it most starkly and egregiously in 2004: If John Kerry becomes president, Christopher Reeve will walk again.

This kind of stem-cell advocacy did not just shamefully inflate its promise. It tended to misrepresent the basis for putting restrictions on embryonic research, insisting that it was nothing more than political enforcement of the religious fundamentalist belief that life begins at conception.

This has always been a tendentious characterization of the argument for restricting stem cell research that relies on the destruction of embryos. I have long supported legal abortion. And I don’t believe that life — meaning the attributes and protections of personhood — begins at conception. Yet many secularly inclined people like me have great trepidation about the inherent dangers of wanton and unrestricted manipulation — to the point of dismemberment — of human embryos.

You don’t need religion to tremble at the thought of unrestricted embryo research. You simply have to have a healthy respect for the human capacity for doing evil in pursuit of the good. Once we have taken the position of many stem-cell advocates that embryos are discardable tissue with no more intrinsic value than a hangnail or an appendix, then all barriers are down. What is to prevent us from producing not just tissues and organs, but human-like organisms for preservation as a source of future body parts on demand?

South Korea enthusiastically embraced unrestricted stem cell research. The subsequent greatly heralded breakthroughs — accompanied by lamentations that America was falling behind — were eventually exposed as a swamp of deception, fraud and coercion.

The slope is very slippery. Which is why, even though I disagreed with where the president drew the line — I would have permitted the use of fertility-clinic embryos that are discarded and going to die anyway — I applauded his insistence that some line must be drawn, that human embryos are not nothing, and that societal values, not just the scientific imperative, should determine how they are treated.

Congress will soon vote to erase Bush’s line. But future generations may nonetheless thank Bush for standing athwart history, if only for a few years. It gave technology enough time to catch up and rescue us from the moral dilemmas of embryonic destruction. It has just been demonstrated that stem cells with enormous potential can be harvested from amniotic fluid.

This is a revolutionary finding. Amniotic fluid surrounds the baby in the womb during pregnancy. It is routinely drawn out by needle in amniocentesis. The procedure carries little risk and is done for legitimate medical purposes that have nothing to do with stem cells. If it nonetheless yields a harvest of stem cells, we have just stumbled upon an endless supply.

And not just endless, but uncontroversial. No embryos are destroyed. The cells are just floating there, as if waiting for science to discover them.

Even better, amniotic fluid might prove to yield an ideal stem cell — not as primitive as embryonic stem cells and therefore less likely to grow uncontrollably into tumors, but also not as developed as adult stem cells and therefore more “pluripotential” in the kinds of tissues it can produce.

If it is proved that these are the Goldilocks of stem cells, history will record the amniotic breakthrough as the turning point in the evolution of stem cell research from a narrow, difficult, delicate and morally dubious enterprise into an uncontroversial one with raw material produced unproblematically every day.

It will have turned out that Bush’s unpopular policy held the line, however arbitrary and temporary, against the wanton trampling of the human embryo just long enough for a morally neutral alternative to emerge.

And it did force the country to at least ponder the moral cost of turning one potential human being into replacement parts for another. Who will be holding the line next time, when another Faustus promises medical nirvana if he is permitted to transgress just one moral boundary?

© 2007, The Washington Post Writers Group
article.nationalreview.com



To: Sully- who wrote (22552)1/18/2007 8:37:02 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
    The crux of the moral puzzle has to do with value: What 
gives human beings their worth? There are two general
possibilities. Either human value is derived from some
extrinsic, changeable quality (size, level of development,
location, social convention, etc.), or humans are valuable
in themselves because of some intrinsic, unchangeable
quality that is part of their created nature.

The Confusing Moral Logic of ESCR: Part II

By Gregory Koukl
Townhall.com Columnist
Thursday, January 18, 2007

By any objective, scientific standard, the embryo qualifies as a member of the human race. From the moment of conception the embryo is an individual. The zygote is distinct from mother, father, and other living things, having her own unique genetic fingerprint.

The embryo is living, characterized by metabolism, growth, reaction to stimuli, and reproduction (fulfilling the standard scientific definition of life).

The embryo is human, carrying DNA with a human genetic signature.

Finally, the embryo is an individual being: a self-contained, self-integrated living entity with her own nature. She has the innate capacity to proceed through the full series of human developmental stages. All that’s needed is proper nurture and environment, the same as you and I.

The embryo, therefore, from the very moment of conception is an individual, living, human being, a bona fide member of the human family. Her cells are not yet individuated (they haven’t developed unique vocations as bone cells, skin cells, etc.). Yet she is still an individual self (though not yet self-aware), and will remain herself for her entire life until death. She will never become a human; she already is one. That’s incontrovertible science.

Whence Value?

The crux of the moral puzzle has to do with value: What gives human beings their worth? There are two general possibilities. Either human value is derived from some extrinsic, changeable quality (size, level of development, location, social convention, etc.), or humans are valuable in themselves because of some intrinsic, unchangeable quality that is part of their created nature.

Classically, western civilization has affirmed the latter, a conviction summed up eloquently by our Foundering Fathers as the cornerstone of our human rights: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights.”

This one moral conviction has been the impulse for every human rights crusade up to the end of the 20th century, from the abolition of slavery in the United States and England, to child labor laws, to the war crimes trials at Nuremberg, to Dr. Martin Luther King’s crusade for civil rights in the ’60s.

Of course, the Founders may have been wrong, but such ideas have consequences. Remove the moral foundation and the moral edifice built upon it topples.

Here’s the problem. If humans are valuable because of some transcendent quality, then human value is intrinsic. It exists regardless of any physical or functional changes—size, location, abilities, etc. Conversely, if any physical or functional change affects human value, then that value can only be extrinsic, dependent on external factors. Human value becomes conditional. The danger is, when value is functionally defined, there is no basis for inalienable human rights. Whatever can be functionally defined, can be functionally defined away.

“Personhood” and Value

To say that an embryo is human but not a human being is shorthand for saying the embryo is property, not a person, and therefore has no privileged status. But what is the relevant moral difference between human beings and human persons? If the standard is sound that has always grounded human rights—transcendent human value—then this is a false move.

If humans beings are intrinsically valuable because of something innate—something non-physical —then their physical status has no bearing on their membership in the human family. Humans are valuable simply in virtue of their shared humanity. They do not become valuable only if they satisfy some additional “personhood” requirement.

It turns out that personhood language is a ruse. As a rule, it has merely been legal terminology used to exclude certain human beings from protection under law. Historically, this subterfuge has consistently disenfranchised the weak and vulnerable: Black slaves in the Dred Scott decision of 1857, defective children and the elderly under the Third Reich, the unborn since Roe v. Wade in 1973, and now ESCR on the threshold of the brave new world of the 21st Century.

The Horns of a Dilemma

These facts place both groups supporting ESCR—pro-lifers and pro-choicers—on the horns of a painful dilemma. For the pro-life crowd, every reason offered for affirming the sanctity of human life at later stages of development applies to human life at the earliest stages. The same continuity of moral logic decides both questions.

Similarly, pro-choicers can only succeed in their task by denying intrinsic human worth, valuing only those humans they deem to have the right size, to be in the right location, or to have the “proper” functional capabilities. But this undercuts all the human rights campaigns they hold so dear. The objection of some to creating embryos for the purpose of ESCR (as opposed to limiting research to IVF discards) is equally confusing. Why not create embryos for research if they have no intrinsic value anyway?

Further, some proponents of ESCR have distinguished between therapeutic cloning (cloning done for research), and reproductive cloning (that done to eventually produce a human baby). They affirm the first, but oppose the second, (for the moment). But what moral argument distinguishes the two that still keeps any commitment to inalienable human rights intact?

To be continued…

To read "The Confusing Moral Logic of ESCR: Part I" click here.

Gregory Koukl is founder and president of Stand to Reason, an organization devoted to a thoughtful and engaging defense of classical Christianity in the public square. He is also a radio talk show host and author of Relativism—Feet Firmly Planted in Mid-Air.

townhall.com