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To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (81089)10/2/2006 1:43:39 PM
From: Wharf Rat  Respond to of 360941
 
Investment Outlook
Bill Gross | October 2006

Empty Nesting/Successful Investing



My days of parenting have come to a swift conclusion – but I remain a Dad. My son, Nick, went to college in early September and one night the house was full of young energy (albeit the negative teenage kind – thrusting to break ties that bind) and the next night there was just a fifty/sixty something sense between Sue and I that whispered/screamed “What the hell just happened?” It was our first night of empty nesting and with it came the realization that our days of parental instruction were primarily over, to be replaced by the lessons of other professors – university, street, and worldly oriented – but not domiciled in Laguna Beach, California. Our last bird had left its nest, had flown his coop.



Having experienced the same trauma with our older kids Jeff and Jenn – now in their early 30s – our personal version of an instruction book titled, Learning to Live Without Kids and Enjoying It More, has at least partially been written. “Give them space – give yourself space” – would be one of my primary recommendations, but always remind them that you love them and that you remain a committed Mom and Dad if not a parent. Planning a life without kids, however, requires more than space or physical separation. My experience and observation with the trauma surrounding mother/father goose and the inevitable separation from their gaggle is that once gone, parents worry too much about their progenies’ happiness and not enough about their own. First of all, who has 60 years left to live and who has 20-30? Let’s get the priorities straight – me happy first, you happy second. But in addition, I think it’s important to recognize that your grown kids’ happiness is really their responsibility, not your own. Too many ex-parents feel guilt over their mistakes of overbearance or underattendance in the development of their kids’ early years, when if anything, their only real bite off Eden’s apple was naked creation itself. Kid’s unhappy? People just grow that way you know. Springtime buds, summer leaves, naked winter branches, and then the cycle begins again; so it will be with them. You cannot protect grown children from the pain of living – well-intended gifts of frankincense and myrrh aside.



All of this is easy to write and intellectualize of course. Diet books abound, but obesity is on the rise. To suggest that I don’t suffer right along with my adult kids, that I don’t wonder if they’re safe, if that flight got in on time, if that career is progressing, if those grandchildren are any closer to conception would be to deny that I remain a Dad, that I love them and wish the best for them. But I try to remind Sue and myself that we’re no longer parents and that each night when we turn out the lights, our priorities are but inches, not hundreds or thousands of miles away. Empty nesting goes better that way.



While my nesting views might not be universally accepted I sense there is an internal logic to at least the thrust of them that is centuries old. Generation after generation, when confronted with life’s changes, think they have discovered pearls of wisdom when in fact, the pearl has been out of the oyster and in plain view for civilization’s duration. While investing is a rather recent art compared to the beginning of time, similar inevitabilities exist when it comes to making money. I was reminded of that when reading a comment by Legg Mason’s Bill Miller who in turn was passing on the wisdom of two-time world poker Champion Puggy Pearson when it comes to gambling. “Ain’t only three things to gamblin’,” Pearson said, “knowing the 60/40 end of a proposition, money management, and knowing yourself.” Those rules, I thought, looked incredibly similar to my own philosophy inscribed in Everything You’ve Heard About Investing Is Wrong, written 10 years ago, except mine were derived from blackjack and a UC Irvine mathematics professor, Ed Thorpe. Blackjack, and by implication investing, could be conquered I wrote, by identifying opportune moments when the odds favored the player as opposed to the dealer and by altering the size of the bets accordingly. I also devoted an entire chapter to an investor’s personal alarm clock and the necessity for understanding not only human nature but also your own individual behavior within the web of mass psychology.



Now my point here is not that I slept in this territory first – as a matter of fact, it’s just the opposite: universal truths are by definition – universal. Granted, the science of investing has had its pioneers such as Markowitz, Black/Scholes, and notable others; but the art of investing has been obvious for as long as there was money to invest. Identifying winning securities/scenarios, wagering appropriately according to risk/reward, and being able to meld mass/individual psychology into an evolving game plan are the likely keys to the kingdom.



I write this within the context of an Investment Outlook if only to focus myself, fellow PIMCO professionals, and interested readers on current strategies and portfolio weightings which are odds on to add Alpha to portfolios now and over the context of a cyclical/secular horizon. My three investment keys in a sense beg the question as to how to identify a 60/40 bet, how to approach risk/reward, and how to master human psychology. Pioneers such as Fischer Black, Myron Scholes, and Harry Markowitz in fact gave us clues as to how to solve the puzzle, but there is no one way, of course. 60/40 bets can be identified via individual security selection, macro tops/down analysis, or many things in between. Risk/reward analysis depends on investors’ proclivities for gain, pain, and inherent volatility. This could take a textbook to explain and I still wouldn’t be finished. But let me condense this lesson plan into two succinct ideas that incorporate PIMCO’s investment philosophy and style that hopefully has already been incorporated into our/your genetic makeup.



Currently, PIMCO’s best 60/40 bet is a cyclical one that proposes that the Fed is done and ultimately will have to lower interest rates in order to restimulate an asset based/housing led economy that has been its primary growth hormone in recent years. With inflation leveling off at admittedly unacceptable levels and the domestic economy moving towards a 2% real growth rate or less in the next year or so, the Fed at some point in 2007 will be forced to cut short rates. Don’t ask us when or by how much yet. A lot will depend on the evolution of the domestic housing market and the equally important maturation of the global economy sans U.S. consumer imports and perhaps sans hyper investment spending in Asia. We will monitor daily. But with the ongoing uncertainty of why 10-year Treasuries should yield 4.65% in a 5.25% Fed Funds world, we feel more comfortable with the observation that the front-end of the U.S. Curve is only valuing a 40 basis point cut in FF by September of 2007. Like I suggested above, we’re not sure how much it should be but we’re comforted by the fact that in effect we’re only paying a 40 basis point premium in the form of a lower 4.85% yield in order to find out what’s behind Monte Hall’s/Ben Bernanke’s door #2. The U.S. bond bull market, which began almost two months ago, remains in its infancy but the best way to play it is via durations above index and concentrated in the front-end of the curve. Importantly, although other central banks remain focused on raising short rates another 25 or 50 basis points, global bond markets usually follow the U.S. lead and we expect the same pattern this time as well with a mild exception in Japan, and slightly different curve dynamics in Euroland.



My second principle of successful investing alludes to the importance of determining how much moolah to put on the table at any one time. Texas hold’em players are familiar with the gambit of “all in” but bond managers rarely come from Texas and never put it ALL on the table. Au contraire, actually. They hug indexes to the extreme and are generally content with minute amounts of positive alpha. In a PIMCO client conference speech this March and an Investment Outlook write-up of the same month, I suggested that the wave of the future for bond managers was to psychologically distance themselves from index hugging and begin to accept additional daily volatility. That was not quite the way the Wall Street Journal put it in a recent article accompanied perhaps by the last picture of yours truly with a mustache. The Journal used the headline term “risk” while I was adamant in the interview that risk and performance volatility were not the same. Bond managers are paid not to lose money and it will probably ever be thus; but they’re also paid to outperform and justify their fees – returning more to clients than themselves. In a low yield/single digit return world, increased daily volatility which with skill leads to increased Alpha should be considered by bond managers and accepted by clients as a wave of the future should they choose to outperform in the same magnitudes as in prior years. The weightings of our front-end U.S. curve bets, therefore, as well as future durations should be viewed in this light.



Change is an inevitable part of life, whether it comes in the form of empty nesting and learning to be Moms and Dads instead of parents, or an acceptance of new realities in investment markets. As Bill Miller, Puggy Pearson, Ed Thorpe, and yours truly would suggest, investing well can be simplified into three basic rules, which require an ongoing subjective analysis of changing market environments. Today’s bond market environment suggests longer U.S. durations accented by the more volatile but potentially higher reward bet of the front-end of the curve. And while PIMCO would never go “all in,” there’s no doubt that we’re recommending “raising” daily volatility in an effort to capture more chips.

William H. Gross

Managing Director


pimco.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (81089)10/2/2006 7:17:57 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 360941
 
New polls find Dems have shot at Senate

bradenton.com

BY STEVEN THOMMA

McClatchy Newspapers

WASHINGTON - Democrats are within striking distance of taking control of the U.S. Senate on Election Day, a series of new polls for McClatchy Newspapers and MSNBC showed Monday.

Democratic Senate candidates are tied, have a slight edge or an outright lead in every one of 10 pivotal battleground states. No Democrat trails in those races; no Republican leads. Democrats must gain six seats to capture control of the 100-member Senate.

Democratic candidates have a strong chance to win all seven at-risk Republican Senate seats - with their candidates tied in Virginia and Missouri, holding a slight edge in Ohio, Rhode Island and Tennessee, and leading in Montana and Pennsylvania.

And they are in position to hold their three most vulnerable seats - with a slight edge in New Jersey and leading in Maryland and Washington.

This in-depth, state-by-state look at the political landscape of 10 Senate battleground states five weeks before Election Day Nov. 7 is based on a series of polls by Mason-Dixon Polling and Research, Inc.

Seven were conducted for McClatchy Newspapers and MSNBC, and three for other newspapers were made available to McClatchy.

Each state poll was by phone of 625 likely voters in the final week of September. The error margin is plus or minus four percentage points.

"These numbers look very encouraging for the Democrats to take control of the Senate," said Mason-Dixon pollster Brad Coker.

Democrats are faring well and Republicans are on the defensive for several reasons: dissatisfaction with President Bush, disapproval of the war in Iraq, anti-incumbent sentiment, and some anxiety about the economy.

Aggravating those factors is the fact that several Republican strategies don't appear to be working well at this point:

• Voters who don't like Bush are taking it out on the Republican candidates, regardless of whether Republicans run from or with the president.

• Voters in all but one state rank Iraq as their top concern, above terrorism, despite Bush's campaign to link the unpopular war to the more broadly supported effort against terrorism.

• A majority of voters think Iraq is going badly. Those who think that support Democrats by solid margins.

• The fact that Democrats haven't spelled out clear alternatives on Iraq - a main complaint from Republicans - doesn't seem to matter.

"The Democrats haven't said anything that makes people say, 'Yeah, that's the way to go.' People just don't like what the Republicans are doing," Coker said.

Another problem for the Republicans: None of their Senate candidates in these 10 competitive states has the support of more than half the voters, and undecided voters may be hard for them to persuade.

"Undecided voters typically go more for challengers than for incumbents," said Coker. "Even the two Republican incumbents who are tied, in Missouri and Virginia, are still in the low 40s. Those are not very impressive numbers for an incumbent. It doesn't mean they're definitely going to lose, but it's a warning sign."

Despite all that, Democrats still face challenges in seizing control of the Senate.

Most notably, they're still locked in several close races that could be decided by which party does a better job of turning out its core supporters - something the Republicans are very good at, and they have more money.

Here are snapshots of the races, first for Republican-held Senate seats:
Missouri

Incumbent Republican Sen. Jim Talent and Democratic challenger Claire McCaskill, the state auditor, were tied at 43 percent.

Missouri is the one state where health care topped Iraq among voters' concerns, perhaps because McCaskill has made an issue out of Bush's ban on federal financing for most embryonic stem cell research.

She led by nearly 2-1 among health-care voters. She also led among voters who cited Iraq as their No. 1 issue.

Talent led by a 6-1 margin among voters ranking terrorism their top concern - but it was 5th on the priority list of the state's voters.

Pennsylvania

Democratic challenger Bob Casey Jr., the state treasurer, led incumbent Republican Sen. Rick Santorum by 49 percent to 40 percent.

Santorum and Bush are lightning rods in the race.

More than two out of five Pennsylvania voters have an unfavorable opinion of Santorum, among the highest negative ratings of any candidate in the battleground states. Also, a quarter of the voters said they were making their decision against someone, rather than for someone. Of them, four out of five were against Santorum.

Also, 56 percent of Pennsylvania voters disapprove of how Bush is doing his job. They support Casey by better than 5-1. The 42 percent who approve of Bush break for Santorum by the same margin.

Rhode Island

Democratic challenger Sheldon Whitehouse had a slight edge over incumbent Republican Sen. Lincoln Chafee, 42 percent to 41 percent.

Trends look different in Rhode Island in part because Chafee opposes Bush on several major issues - including Iraq and tax cuts.

Rhode Island gives Bush his worst ratings of any battleground state - 70 percent disapproval. Yet those who turn thumbs down on Bush split on their Senate choice, 51 percent for Whitehouse and 32 percent for Chafee.

Also, the state ranks Iraq its top issue, but Iraq voters don't give Whitehouse as big an edge as Democrats get in other states. They favor Whitehouse by 56 percent to 37 percent. Conversely, Chafee doesn't get the margin on terrorism that fellow Republicans get elsewhere. Terrorism voters in Rhode Island break for him by 59 percent to 32 percent.

Virginia

Incumbent Republican Sen. George Allen and Democratic challenger James Webb are tied at 43 percent each.

Iraq and terrorism are both major issues in the state that is home to the Pentagon and the Atlantic fleet.

Among those who think Iraq is the top issue, Webb leads 4-1. More than three out of five disapprove of how Bush is handling the Iraq war. Of them, 66 percent support Webb, a former combat veteran and Navy Secretary who opposes the war.

Among those who rate terrorism their top issue, Allen leads by a similar margin.

Webb was carrying the Democratic Virginia suburbs of Washington, but also had a narrow edge in the military-dominated Hampton Roads region. Allen led everywhere else.

A torrent of news suggesting racial insensitivity by Allen apparently took a toll. But news that Webb also used a racial epithet and criticized affirmative action may also have hurt him. Among African-Americans, 69 percent supported Webb and 3 percent supported Allen, while 25 percent remained undecided. Among Hispanics, 39 percent supported Webb, 28 percent supported Allen and 28 percent remained undecided.

Here are snapshots of the Democrat-held Senate seats:

Maryland

Democratic Rep. Ben Cardin led Republican Lt. Gov. Michael Steele by 47 percent to 41 percent in the race for a Democratic seat being vacated by retiring Sen. Paul Sarbanes.

Maryland voters ranked Iraq the top issue, followed by health care and terrorism. Cardin led by more than 2-1 among voters who ranked Iraq or health care tops. Steele led by a margin of 3-2 among voters who ranked terrorism their top concern.

Also, nearly seven out of 10 disapprove of how Bush is handling the war, and disapprovers supported Cardin 2-1.

Steele is bidding to become the first Republican African American elected to the Senate since Edward Brooke of Massachusetts in 1966.

Steele had 19 percent of the African-American support while Cardin had 59 percent. Steele had 48 percent of the white support; Cardin had 43 percent.

New Jersey

Incumbent Democratic Sen. Bob Menendez had a slight statistical edge over Republican Tom Kean Jr., a state senator, 44 percent to 41 percent.

Bush is a factor in New Jersey, where 37 percent approve of his job performance and 61 percent disapprove. Menendez leads by 3-1 among those who don't like the way Bush is doing his job. Kean leads by 10-1 among those who like Bush.

Iraq narrowly tops terrorism on New Jersey's list of concerns, noteworthy in a state that lost citizens in the Sept. 11 attacks and has major port operations. Menendez leads by 5-1 among those who rank Iraq tops; Kean leads by 2-1 among those who rank terrorism their top concern.

Washington

Incumbent Democratic Sen. Maria Cantwell led Republican Mike McGavick by 50 percent to 40 percent. Other candidates had 1 percent, and 9 percent were undecided.

War is a big issue in Washington, where voters rank Iraq their top concern - followed by terrorism, taxes and government spending.

Of those who think Iraq is issue Number 1, Cantwell's ahead by 2-1. That's a lower edge than Democrats in other states, probably because Cantwell voted to authorize the war and faced an anti-war challenge in a primary.

Nearly three out of five - 57 percent - disapprove of Bush's job performance. Disapprovers support Cantwell by 6-1. Those who approve of Bush's job performance support McGavick by a similar margin.

Elsewhere

Here are poll results in three other Senate races:

In Montana, Democrat Jon Tester, the state Senate president, led incumbent Republican Sen. Conrad Burns 47 percent to 40 percent. The Mason-Dixon poll was conducted for the Lee Newspapers;

In Ohio, Democrat Rep. Sherrod Brown had 45 percent and incumbent Republican Sen. Mike DeWine had 43 percent. The poll was conducted for the Cleveland Plain Dealer;

In Tennessee, Democratic Rep. Harold Ford Jr. had 43 percent and Republican Bob Corker, the former mayor of Chattanooga, had 42 percent. The poll was conducted for the Chattanooga Times Free Press and the Memphis Commercial Appeal.



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (81089)10/2/2006 9:47:04 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 360941
 
An Enemy and War Born from Ignorance
___________________________________________________________

by James Carroll*

Published on Monday, October 2, 2006 by the Boston Globe

I was a senior in high school, attending the American school in Wiesbaden, West Germany, where the US Air Force had its headquarters and where my father was stationed.

It was 1959, and the Cold War tension was focused on Berlin. Because that divided city was well inside the Soviet sector of East Germany, and because it served as an escape hatch for citizens behind the Iron Curtain, Nikita Khrushchev was pressing the French, British, and American forces to get out.

President Eisenhower was holding firm, insisting on a strict reading of the four-party treaty that had divided the city. The Soviets were looking for an excuse to call off the treaty, and that's where I came in.

My friends and I were fans of the Formula 1 automobile racing circuit, and a Grand Prix that year was to take place in Berlin. The flashpoint city was effectively off-limits to the like of us, but we went anyway.

A US Army train crossed through the Communist zone every day, carrying GIs and their dependents through East Germany to the island city. The Soviets hated this incursion, but the treaty allowed it. The treaty also underwrote strict regulations for the train, however, and American passengers were instructed in the rules by the military policemen who served as conductors.

When the train approached the East-West border, the military police went through the compartments, closing the window shades and explaining that lifting the shades was strictly forbidden. They gave absolute emphasis to the prohibition of any photography at the border. I have recounted this memory elsewhere, but it comes to mind in the context of recent news.

When the train hissed to a stop, we boy-adventurers in our darkened compartment could hear the barked orders outside, the familiar cadence of German, but also the odd sounds of another language we took to be Russian. It was like hearing the dialogue of a movie without being able to see the screen, and we simply couldn't resist. Up went the window shade, but only by an inch.

``Tanks!" my buddy whispered. ``Red stars!"

Soviet troops were lined up to face-off with GIs, all with weapons ready. I was the one to put the lens of my camera at the small opening. I pushed the button. Before I knew it, the door behind us slammed open.

I was roughly jerked away from the window, and in a flash the back of the camera was open, the film unspooled and strewn around the compartment. It was the American MP, and his rough reaction was deliberate, a firm enforcement of border regulations to impress the Soviet and East German officers who were right behind him. They wanted at us, but the MP held them off.

After the East German and Soviet officers backed out of the compartment, the MP checked our identification and wrote us up. He was calmer now, but I sensed his contempt. As he handed my ID back , he looked at me hard and snarled, ``Some damn fool like you is going to start World War III."

That rebuke lives in my memory as a measure of my own immaturity -- a drastic failure to match my action to its potential consequence. I hear the MP's words now, however, as a judgment on contemporary American leadership.

World War III never came in the contest with Moscow, and though the image is sometimes evoked today to describe the war on terrorism, this is not World War III either. But the callow impulsiveness that risks catastrophe out of ignorance and self-centeredness does apply. That MP on the train was pronouncing a prophecy that has come true.

The National Intelligence Estimate that was partially declassified last week shows the government's own assessment of what has followed from President Bush's decision to go to war in Iraq -- a decision he made in stark defiance of warnings of history.

``Anti-US and anti globalization sentiment is on the rise and fueling other radical ideologies," the estimate said. ``This could prompt some leftist, nationalist, or separatist groups to adopt terrorist methods to attack US interests. The radicalization process is occurring more quickly, more anonymously in the Internet age."

The estimate itself thus points to a conclusion: Bush created a cohesive enemy where it did not really exist before. So-called jihadists have been rallied, strengthened, and made lethal by Iraq. They will haunt the world for years, in a global war unlike anything ever seen before. All of it unnecessary. Foolishness worthy of a stupid child.

*James Carroll's column appears regularly in the Globe.

Copyright © 2006 Boston Globe



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (81089)10/3/2006 12:25:49 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 360941
 
Woodward's 60 Minutes Bloodbath

by Mike Whitney

opednews.com

Veteran journalist Bob Woodward can always be counted on to tell the truth-- after all the other options have been exhausted. His new book, State of Denial, doesn't veer too far from the pattern he's followed his entire career; one minute he's the "kingmaker" dishing up hearty-helpings of literary tripe like "Bush at War" and "Plan of Attack" and the next minute he's ramming a scimitar into the lower lumbar region of his prey.

That's Bob, the consummate insider and part-time assassin whose real job is not to maintain an "informed public" or preserve the free flow of information, but to use the privately-owned media in a way that serves the exclusive interests of the ruling elite.

Most of what Woodward said on 60 Minutes was accurate and interesting. Bush has deceived the American people about the slow-rolling catastrophe in Iraq. He's obfuscated the truth about the 800 to 900 attacks on American troops per week and, yes, Rumsfeld is the greatest bungler in the history of the Republic. But why has Woodward decided to spill the beans now? And, how long has he been withholding this information from the public? (some of the crucial details date back to 2003!?!) And why would Woodward organize a book tour that is clearly designed to obliterate Bush's credibility just 6 weeks before the election?

Woodward speaks for establishment elites who have stood on the sidelines cheering on the war-effort regardless of the rivers of blood coursing down the streets of Baghdad. He doesn't care that people are blown apart in their homes as long as it serves the overall interests of a small cadre of white plutocrats. What affects Woodward's delicate sensibilities is the inefficiency of the slaughter which has yet to produce the desired results. That's why the gloves have come off. That's why he's been employed to mug the muggers and kill the killers.

Woodward's appearance on 60 Minutes was the moral equivalent of a Mafia Hit-man performing the one task for which he is singularly well-suited; snuffing out a rival with a quick jab to the rib-cage.

Et tu, Bobby?

Woodward is on a mission to dethrone the Bushies and send them packing. The solidarity among American powerbrokers has dissolved into a bitter dispute over incompetence. Disenchanted elites want a place at the policy-table again and Woodward is leading the charge. His appearance is just the first of many salvos which will be aimed in the direction of 1600 Pennsylvania Ave.

Woodward was the perfect choice to perform the execution; calculating and cold-blooded. His work in the Watergate investigation still endears him to liberals while right-wingers admire him as the editor of the nations' premier war-mongering rag. He has the credibility to wreak havoc on the administration while escaping the inevitable "Swift boating" that a less prominent journalist would have to endure.

If Bush gets his come-uppence, then that's great, but let's not forget that the Washington Post has supported the war from the get-go. Woodward and his ilk (Tom Friedman and William Crystal) do not object to the war, just the CONDUCT of the war. If the "right" people die, then "no problem", the American overlords can get on with the critical task of extracting valuable resources without interruption.

This is the real "State of Denial"; the belief that it's okay to slaughter people and destroy their civilization to enhance the wealth and power of a handful of western elites. It's a crime for which Woodward is just as guilty as Bush.



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (81089)10/4/2006 1:41:29 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 360941
 
Don’t Pass the Salted Peanuts, Henry
____________________________________________________

By MAUREEN DOWD
Op-Ed Columnist
The New York Times
October 4, 2006

Tom Lehrer said that political satire was rendered obsolete when Henry Kissinger won a Nobel Peace Prize for prolonging the Vietnam War.

But even the inventive Lehrer could never have imagined that Dr. Strangelove would get a second chance to contribute to misleading the public about a military catastrophe in a misunderstood land — a do-over in scarring the American psyche and reputation in profound ways.

Yet, as Bob Woodward reveals in “State of Denial,” the sequel to “Bush is a Genius,” Mr. Kissinger has been one of the few trusted outside advisers that W. has listened to on Iraq. The administration has shaped its policy to hew to the 83-year-old Unwise Man’s belief that the only way to beat an insurgency is to stick it out, no matter how many American kids and foreign civilians die.

Especially if elections are coming up. As the historian Robert Dallek, who is writing a book on Nixon and Kissinger, notes, “Kissinger was complicit in using foreign policy to try to save Nixon during Watergate.”

Bob Haldeman wrote in his diary on Dec. 15, 1970, using “K” for Kissinger and “P” for President Nixon: “K came in and the discussion covered some of the general thinking about Vietnam and the P’s big peace plan for next year, which K later told me he does not favor. He thinks that any pullout next year would be a serious mistake because the adverse reaction to it could set in well before the ’72 elections. He favors, instead, a continued winding down and then a pullout right at the fall of ’72 so that if any bad results follow they will be too late to affect the election. It seems to make sense.”

Thirty-five years later, Mr. Kissinger, the consummate fawner, was once more able to sway a president with faux deference. Dr. K encouraged W. to play the tough guy on the war, even though he’d never gone to war himself.

In September 2005, Mr. Woodward writes, W.’s head speechwriter, Mike Gerson, visited Mr. Kissinger and received a lecture declaring that the only exit strategy for Iraq was victory and a copy of the diplomat’s “salted peanut memo” from 1969, warning against resisting pressure to withdraw troops from Vietnam: “Withdrawal of U.S. troops will become like salted peanuts to the American public; the more U.S. troops come home, the more will be demanded.”

It’s the kind of logic that makes Dr. K such a valuable counselor to a president who has already declared privately that his midterm election strategy is to tar the Democrats this way: “Surrender and taxes.”

The shrink-wrapped president did not consult his own father before going to war against the same dictator. And, moving from Dr. Strangelove to Dr. Freud, two of W.’s top war counselors — Rummy and Henry the K — are men who did not bother to conceal their contempt for Bush senior as a naïve lightweight.

As Mr. Woodward notes, part of Rummy’s allure for W. was the fact that Poppy Bush considered him an arrogant, Machiavellian sort who could get you in deep doo-doo. “It was a chance,” Mr. Woodward says, “to prove his father wrong.” Or right.

It’s been clear for years that Dick Cheney and Rummy have been using the Bush presidency like an elaborate vanity production to replay Watergate and Vietnam, and to try to reverse things that bothered them during prior stints in the Nixon and Ford administrations.

As Mr. Cheney told his pal Rummy when W. gave him a second crack — a quarter-century later — at the defense chief job: “Get it right this time.”

The vice president has been diabolically successful in exploiting 9/11 to restore the Imperial Presidency to where it was before Congress and the public became such Nosy Parkers after Watergate. Mr. Cheney and Rummy have been less successful in their attempt to exorcise the post-Vietnam American skittishness about using force; their abysmal misadventure in Iraq has only reinforced it.

Mr. Kissinger’s reasoning for favoring war in Iraq had none of the idealistic gloss about democracy that the president came up with later. Like Mr. Cheney, he thought it was a good idea to invade Iraq not because it was strong, but because it was weak. “We need to humiliate” radical Islam, he told Mr. Gerson, and send the message that “we’re not going to live in this world that they want for us.”

Half a century of foreign affairs experience, and he still doesn’t understand that humiliating young Arab men — and occupying Muslim land — just radicalizes them? We’re expanding terror at a cost of about $6 billion a month.



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (81089)10/4/2006 6:53:03 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 360941
 
Dow Record Highs Point to Recovery

biz.yahoo.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (81089)10/19/2006 1:46:37 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 360941
 
Bush's Petro-Cartel Almost Has Iraq's Oil

alternet.org

part 2

alternet.org

<<...What is clear is that the future of Iraq ultimately hinges to a great degree on the outcome of a complex game of chess -- only part of which is out in the open -- that is playing out right now, and oil is at the center of it. It's equally clear that there's a yawning disconnect between Iraqis' and Americans' views of the situation. Erik Leaver, a senior analyst at the Institute for Policy Studies in Washington, told me that the disposition of Iraq's oil wealth is "definitely causing problems on the ground," but the entire topic is taboo in polite D.C. circles. "Nobody in Washington wants to talk about it," he said. "They don't want to sound like freaks talking about blood for oil." At the same time, a recent poll asked Iraqis what they believed was the main reason for the invasion and 76 percent gave "to control Iraqi oil" as their first choice...>>