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Politics : PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: JDN who wrote (752310)10/24/2006 9:32:36 AM
From: DuckTapeSunroof  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769670
 
Why did Corker denounce it?



To: JDN who wrote (752310)10/24/2006 9:57:46 AM
From: PROLIFE  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 769670
 
The MSM and the low rated MSNBC is getting desperate over Ford. Corker has taken a lead in Tenn now, and these guys are beside themselves. I just watched two of the so called "newsmen" of MSNBC (including david gregory) spout Ford's name AT LEAST 10 times in three minutes, and then said that Ford would be their "guest" on election day.....Ford was a "centrist" Ford was tough...Ford was blah blah blah.....



To: JDN who wrote (752310)10/24/2006 12:03:42 PM
From: DuckTapeSunroof  Respond to of 769670
 
Whites Appealed Katrina Insurance More

AP Exclusive: Whites Pursued Katrina Insurance Complaints More Aggressively Than Minorities

By RUKMINI CALLIMACHI
The Associated Press
abcnews.go.com

NEW ORLEANS - Though poor and minority neighborhoods suffered the brunt of Katrina's fury, residents living in white neighborhoods have been three times as likely as homeowners in black neighborhoods to seek state help in resolving insurance disputes, according to an Associated Press computer analysis.

The analysis of Louisiana's insurance complaints settled in the first year after Katrina highlights a cold, hard truth exposed by Katrina's winds and waters: People of color and modest means, who often need the most help after a major disaster, are disconnected from the government institutions that can provide it, or distrustful of those in power.

The Littles and the Kitchens watched helplessly as Hurricane Katrina battered their homes. Both families waited patiently for an insurance adjuster to settle their losses. And both were sorely disappointed with the outcome. Then, their paths diverged.

Richard and Cindy Little, a white couple living in a predominantly white neighborhood, filed a complaint with the Louisiana Department of Insurance. Eventually, they won full reimbursement for their repairs.

Doretha and Roy Kitchens, a black couple living in New Orleans' overwhelmingly black Lower Ninth Ward, simply gave up and took what their insurer gave them. They didn't know they could appeal to the state.

"The blacks didn't complain 'cause they got tired," said Doretha Kitchens, 58, who recalls numerous phone calls to her insurer that often ended with her being put on hold. Ultimately, she accepted her insurer's offer of about $34,000 for damages that actually total more than $120,000.

The insurance industry and state regulators say they made special efforts even in the midst of Katrina's chaos to reach out to poor and minority neighborhoods to inform them of options.

But their ad appeals on local radio did little to inform the thousands of mostly black residents who were displaced to Houston. And giving a toll free number for help didn't help poor minorities who stayed behind with no telephone or cell service. Officials acknowledge victims slipped through the cracks.

"The message doesn't get to everyone," Louisiana Insurance Commissioner Jim Donelon said.

More than a year after the epic hurricane laid waste to much of the Gulf Coast, frustration and anger still simmer.

More than 700,000 insurance claims were filed for damage resulting from Katrina in Gulf Coast states and to date, only $14.9 billion out of $25.3 billion in insured losses have been paid, the national risk modeling firm ISO estimates.

In Louisiana, more than 8,000 residents have filed Katrina-related complaints with the state insurance office. Using open records law, AP obtained the files of more than 3,000 complaints that have already been settled and analyzed the outcomes by the demographics of the victims' current zip code neighborhood.

Nearly 75 percent of the settled cases were filed by residents currently living in predominantly white neighborhoods. Just 25 percent were filed by households in majority-black zip codes, the analysis found.

The analysis also suggests income was a factor. The average resident who sought state help lives in a neighborhood with a median household income of $39,709, compared with the statewide median of $32,566 in the 2000 Census.

AP analyzed 3,118 complaints filed by homeowners still living in Louisiana. The state's data did not identify whether the addresses on complaints were the same locations as the damaged homes. The state also refused to release any information on approximately 5,000 complaints still under review.

The findings surprise few on the front lines of a disaster that has reawakened issues of racial equality.

Donelon, the insurance commissioner, said his department made an extra effort to reach as many people as possible and let them know the agency was willing to press their case with insurers.

State workers crisscrossed the state, using mobile complaint centers, user-friendly Web sites and advertisements on television and radio. When complaints were received, state insurance officials determined whether they had merit, and lobbied insurance companies for more money for homeowners when warranted.

That message, however, never reached the water-stained stoop of Doretha Kitchens' house, which was enveloped in a 9-foot wave of muddy water when the Lower Ninth Ward's aging levees broke. For months, she had no access to computer, radio or TV and couldn't hear the state agency's messages.

Kitchens also didn't know she could appeal Allstate Corp.'s settlement offer to the state, but doubts it would have changed anything. Her husband, she said, simply lost faith that anyone would help.

"My husband didn't want to be bothered. I asked him, 'Why don't we sue the insurance company?' He said, 'They ain't gonna do nothing no way.' White just decided they was gonna go file. Black, we just gave up easier."

The Kitchens didn't have flood insurance but their dispute with the insurer was over damage in their attic, where winds ripped off the roof.

At first, Richard and Cindy Little didn't fare much better.

Four towering pine trees crashed into their tidy ranch-style home in Slidell, a predominantly white bedroom community north of New Orleans.

The crashing limbs unleashed a cascade of water that spoiled the walls, soaked the hardwood floors and brought puffs of pink insulation tumbling from the ceiling.

When their insurer agreed to pay only two-thirds of the cost of the repairs, the Littles used their savings to cover the cost of the construction then began battling Allstate, the state's No. 2 insurer, over the final settlement.

They wrote letters to congressmen, secured copies of an adjuster's report, spent hours compiling receipts, made countless phone calls and filed a complaint with insurance regulators.

Eventually, their efforts paid off, but they acknowledge the fight wasn't easy and that the family's finances played a large role in their perseverance.

"We had money in the bank so we could wait them out," said Cindy Little, 50. "We could wait to get what's owed."

"It's kind of scary to think of fighting a big corporation," added Richard Little. "I can see how people with not as much money, education, take what's given them."

Mike Trevino, a spokesman for Northbrook, Ill.-based Allstate, said the state agency had treated minority and white homeowners equally. The figures obtained by AP support his contention.

In cases where Louisiana insurance regulators were able to get more money from insurers for homeowners, the amount for minorities and whites was roughly the same: about $40,000.

But Trevino also acknowledges that the insurer was overwhelmed by the scope of the disaster that led half of its 300,000 Louisiana customers to file claims.

"It could be that there were mistakes, that it wasn't a good performance by the adjuster. But what's important to remember is that it was then, and still is, an extraordinary event ... and it certainly did stretch our ability to serve customers in the very best way possible," Trevino said.

Though there was no disparity in the outcome of state complaints, the racial divide is clearly apparent in who accessed the system and how often they did so.

In New Orleans, where blacks made up two-thirds of the 454,863 pre-Katrina population, only about 445 homeowners resolved complaints with the state department. In contrast, the mostly white residents in suburban Slidell resolved more complaints (489) even though their population is 16 times smaller.

Minority distrust in government also shows up in polling. AP-Ipsos polls taken shortly after the hurricane last year showed 56 percent of minorities said they doubted the government could really help them during a disaster.

Alan Jenkins, a former Justice Department official in the Clinton administration who lobbies for minority opportunities, said AP's analysis reinforces a little-discussed reality exposed by Katrina.

"The promise of opportunity isn't equally available," he said. "Race and income has made a big difference in people's ability to start over."

Jenkins said state and federal agencies need to adopt different techniques to reach historically disadvantaged neighborhoods.

Aloyd Edinburgh, who lives not far from the Kitchens in the Lower Ninth Ward, exemplifies the problem.

The 75-year-old retired cab driver said he doesn't have much use for insurers or state regulators. All around him are signs of abandoned battles buckled homes, distorted cars, hip-high weeds and the smell of decay.

Edinburgh's insurer gave him $35,000 out of a policy worth $85,000. He is slowly and painstakingly repairing his gutted house, sleeping in a trailer parked in his driveway. Like many in his neighborhood, he didn't know the state could help. But like many neighbors, he has little faith and at his age little time.

"The best thing I can do is take the money I did receive and go to work," says the old man, his eyes clouded with cataracts. "Am I satisfied? Hell, no, I'm not satisfied ... Am I mad? Hell, yeah, I'm mad. But to complain about it. What's the use?"

Associated Press Writer Frank Bass contributed to this package from Washington.

On the Net:

Louisiana Department of Insurance: ldi.state.la.us

Insurance Information Institute: iii.org

Copyright 2006 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.

Copyright © 2006 ABC News Internet Ventures



To: JDN who wrote (752310)10/24/2006 12:10:40 PM
From: DuckTapeSunroof  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 769670
 
The controversy surrounding the RNC television ad against Harold Ford running in Tennessee was stoked a bit further yesterday when former Sen./SECDEF William Cohen (R-ME) declared it "a very serious appeal to a racist sentiment."
--------------------------------------------------

GOP attack ad draws heat for racial overtones

The Tennessee spot is denounced as more of the 'Southern strategy.'
By Peter Wallsten
Times Staff Writer

October 24, 2006
latimes.com

WASHINGTON — A new Republican Party television ad featuring a scantily clad white woman winking and inviting a black candidate to "call me" is drawing charges of race-baiting, with critics saying it contradicts a landmark GOP statement last year that the party was wrong in past decades to use racial appeals to win support from white voters.

Critics said the ad, which is funded by the Republican National Committee and has aired since Friday, plays on fears of interracial relationships to scare some white voters in rural Tennessee to oppose Democratic Rep. Harold E. Ford Jr. Ford is locked in a tight race, hoping to become the first African American senator since Reconstruction to represent a state in the former Confederacy.

"It is a powerful innuendo that plays to pre-existing prejudices about African American men and white women," said Hilary Shelton, head of the Washington office of the National Assn. for the Advancement of Colored People, the country's oldest civil rights organization.

A former Republican senator, William S. Cohen of Maine, was more blunt. Cohen, who was also Defense secretary under President Clinton, said on CNN that the ad was "a very serious appeal to a racist sentiment."

The 30-second ad features fictional characters satirizing Ford.

A black woman notes that Ford "looks good" and asks, "Isn't that enough?" Others suggest Ford backs privacy for terrorists, accepts money from the pornography industry, wants to raise taxes and backs letting Canada deal with the North Korea nuclear threat.

The character who has raised complaints is a blond woman who speaks in a hushed, suggestive tone and says that she met Ford at "the Playboy party."

At the end of the ad, she reappears and says: "Harold, call me." She winks and holds her hand up as if holding a phone.

Shelton said the ad contradicted the spirit of remarks delivered at last year's NAACP convention by the Republican National Committee chairman, Ken Mehlman, in which he decried those in his party who had tried to "benefit politically from racial polarization." He was referring to the party's so-called Southern strategy of energizing white voters with race-baiting messages about integration and civil rights.

"I am here today as the Republican chairman to tell you we were wrong," Mehlman said in the July 2005 address, in which he also said the party would now use positive messages to draw African Americans to the GOP.

Ford's Republican opponent, former Chattanooga Mayor Bob Corker, has asked Tennessee television stations not to run the spot, calling it "over the top." But the ad has continued to run — and on Monday the Republican National Committee was unapologetic.

"I won't even entertain the premise" that the ad is racially offensive, said Danny Diaz, a Republican Party spokesman. He said the allegation was "not fair and not serious and not accurate."

Diaz said the ad was an "independent expenditure" produced by an arm of the Republican National Committee that is legally prohibited from coordinating with Mehlman. Because of this, Diaz said, Mehlman did not see or approve the ad before its release.

Democratic strategist Donna Brazile said Monday that she was shocked by the ad. Brazile, an African American who has forged a friendship with Mehlman and White House strategist Karl Rove, said she intended to call Mehlman to request that the Republican National Committee discontinue the ad.

"With this ad, Mehlman's apology rings hollow," she said, referring to the 2005 speech.

John Geer, a Vanderbilt University political scientist who published a book this year on attack ads, "In Defense of Negativity," said he had watched the anti-Ford spot repeatedly in recent days.

"I just couldn't believe what I was seeing," he said. "I don't see how you can think it's not playing a racial card. It's making references to interracial sex. It's an ad that is in some sense breaking new lows."

For Mehlman, such criticism is unusual. He has won accolades from African American leaders for aggressive outreach efforts, speaking to more than 50 black organizations since becoming chairman in 2005.

His remarks on the Southern strategy were viewed as a milestone in the GOP effort to diversify the party base by attracting blacks with messages of economic empowerment and appeals to faith.

The party is fielding black candidates in three major races this year in Ohio, Pennsylvania and Maryland.

Ford, though, has proved a challenge for the GOP. He has run as a hawkish Democrat, opposed to amnesty for illegal immigrants and a supporter of banning gay marriage. His race with Corker is considered to be neck-and-neck.

A new response ad by Ford that began airing Monday features the candidate, talking to the camera, accusing Corker of unleashing attacks rather than talking issues.

"If I had a dog," Ford says, "he'd probably kick him too."

*

peter.wallsten@latimes.com