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Politics : Israel to U.S. : Now Deal with Syria and Iran -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Crimson Ghost who wrote (13556)12/7/2006 5:36:44 AM
From: GUSTAVE JAEGER  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 22250
 
Re: Your implicit assumption that the Zionists are all powerful is just plain wrong.

Very strong yes, but all powerful no.


Indeed, Zionists are "very strong" enough to veer the world to another messy conflagration with Iran. Besides, below is a follow-up on French politics and the Zionist connection....

Thu., December 07, 2006 Kislev 16, 5767

A snub from Segolene Royal
By Daniel Ben Simon, Haaretz Correspondent


It was a very embarrassing moment. The scene: the lobby of the King David Hotel in Jerusalem. The players: Ségolène Royal's spokesman Julien Dray and a representative of CRIF, the umbrella organization of the Jewish community in France. "I have nothing to talk to you about!" said Dray heatedly to the astonished Jewish representative. "You have sold your soul to the other side; you have nothing to look for with us. Go back to your friend Nicolas Sarkozy; he's your landlord."

The CRIF representative tried with all his might to convince Dray that his organization is taking an absolutely objective position with regard to the presidential race in France. But Dray stuck to his guns. "You are going to pay dearly for your one-sided mustering," he went on to shout. "Ségolène will be president, and you will have to pray for her to receive you for a discussion."

The incident occurred Sunday evening, a few minutes before the discussion that Royal held with journalists about what she viewed as a successful visit to Israel. Dray, an influential parliament member with the Socialist Party, expressed the anger that has built up in the Royal camp against the Jewish community, and especially against the organization headed by Roger Cukierman.

It is an open secret that the Jews as an organized body have sworn allegiance to the candidate of the right, Sarkozy. At every opportunity, he meets with them and consults with them. At every opportunity they evince enthusiasm for him that is intended to convey the impression they are supporting him in his race for the presidency.

This is the reason Royal did not accept an invitation to meet with the heads of the organization in recent months. This is also the reason she ignored their existence when she decided at the last minute to pop over to Israel and the reason the party spokesman related to the representative of the organization as though he were a leper.

In the past, French leaders who came to visit Israel would take along a representative of CRIF, to demonstrate their connection to the Jews. Royal came to Israel with her own people and left the people of the organization helpless. The latter scorned her at first and saw her as a passerby who had stumbled into a battle of titans. Later on, when she started to gather momentum, they sent out probes to her camp to create conditions for friendship. When she defeated the men in her party in the first round, the heads of CRIF realized they had erred in their bet. After they recovered from the shock of her victory, they were certain that in the final race, their man, Sarkozy, would defeat her with one hand tied behind his back. And now, the latest surveys are indicating a close race with a slight edge for Royal.

What should they do? They are trying to carry out an elegant retreat and signal to the Royal camp that the Jews, in fact, have not yet decided who they think is the preferable candidate. However, it is possible that CRIF's mustering for Sarkozy has already created a deep crisis of trust with the Royal camp.

It has always happened that when France faces major decisions, the Jews try to appear neutral. In a desperate attempt not to become embroiled with the leading political forces, they have tried to adopt an open-bridges policy in their contacts with the two major parties.

However, recently they have been attacked by an acute desire to resemble the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC). For years, the American lobby has been standing up as a defensive wall behind the hawkish views in Israel. The heads of the right have been greeted as heroes at its conferences, whereas the heads of the left have pleaded in vain for similar treatment.

The heads of CRIF took a step and learned it came with a price. "It has never yet happened to us that we have not had a connection with any key person in a candidate's headquarters," admitted a senior figure in the organization.

This is why they are trying to make a pilgrimage to Julien Dray, so he can blaze a path for them to the candidate's heart. However Dray, a declared Jew and staunch supporter of Israel whose brother works here as a doctor, has turned his back on them.

It is no wonder, then, that the first to make accusations against Royal in the wake of her visit to Israel have been the heads of CRIF. While in official Israel they have forgiven her for her stumble in Lebanon and have seen it as the mistake of a novice, the heads of CRIF have attacked her for daring to meet with a Hezbollah representative. The organization has issued an extraordinary statement of condemnation in which it reminded Royal that the Shi'ite organization is responsible for mass murders, and that its radio station disseminates anti-Semitism. All is fair in war - and both sides are sharpening their swords in anticipation of the continuation of the fight.

This situation does not work to the benefit of French Jews, of Israel and of relations between the two countries. CRIF achieved its greatness because it appeared to be a bridge that stretched over the turbulent waters of French politics. This is the reason the elders of the country, no matter from which camp, went to the trouble of accepting every invitation to appear before its members, in the knowledge that the Jewish organization is a French institution that rises above political disputes.

And there is another risk inherent here. When the alliance between the Jews and the presidential candidate of the right becomes a consolidated fact, the voters from Muslim backgrounds will flock to the Socialist candidate to serve as a counterweight to the Jews.[*]

To the extent that the Jews will expect a return for their support of Sarkozy, the Muslims will expect a similar return for their support of Royal. If this happens, the distance between the two communities, which are embroiled in any case, is liable to grow even larger.

haaretz.com

[*] zug·zwang

NOUN:


A situation in a chess game in which a player is forced to make an undesirable or disadvantageous move.
education.yahoo.com

France's Muslim constituency is in for a bad deal either way.... For all Ségolène Royal's pro-Arab feelers, she's but a pathetic stooge of France's main Zionist party, namely, the Parti Socialiste. Her two unfortunate contenders in the socialist primary were both Jewish: former PM Laurent Fabius and former Finance Minister Dominique Strauss-Kahn... And both are quietly biding their time for a post-Royal era....



To: Crimson Ghost who wrote (13556)12/7/2006 5:48:16 AM
From: GUSTAVE JAEGER  Respond to of 22250
 
Follow-up to my previous post re: France's Muslim zugzwang:

Azouz Begag
From the Banlieue to a Place in the Cabinet


Azouz Begag was born in an immigrant shantytown on the outskirts of Lyon. He later became a novelist and social scientist. To his own surprise he was now appointed France's new Minister for the Promotion of Equal Opportunity. Bernard Schmid reports

"I never dreamt that I would stroll along the Champs-Elysées as a French minister when my new film is released," Azouz Begag said in a recent interview with a French radio station. Begag makes no secret of his humble origins. As the son of Algerian immigrants who escaped the poverty of the Algerian countryside to work in the factories of Lyon, the celebrated 47-year-old author is amazed at this latest turn of events in his complex career.

Camping à la ferme was released on June 29th in Paris. Azouz Begag wrote the script, Jean-Pierre Sinapi directed the film, and Roschdy Zem played the leading role. This entertaining 92-minute film tells the story of six juvenile delinquents from the "banlieues" (the tough neighborhoods on the outskirts of French cities) who do a month of community work in a village as an alternative to serving a prison sentence.

Taking a critical look at French society

Without idealizing the youths as angels – one of them is even shown trying to steal money while doing his "voluntary" work – the film takes a critical look at French society. Although the mayor at first appears highly enthusiastic about her "innovative experiment" in community work in the village, she turns out to be a self-serving politician who just wants to get her picture on TV.

The local racists, who flatly rejected the idea of those "foreigners" in their village, definitely get what is coming to them. By contrast, the undisputed hero of the film is the man in charge of supervising the young delinquents (Roschdy Zem), a lady-killer of sorts who comes from a family of immigrants himself and admits to "screwing up" in his youth before turning his life around by studying and working hard to become a respected member of society.

Our hero successfully deals with every conflict that arises during the film. Clearly this character is based in large part on Azouz Begag himself.

Begag and the social mobility of immigrants

Azouz Begag was born in 1957 in a "bidonville", a shantytown of corrugated iron huts where poor immigrant workers lived on the outskirts of Lyon, directly on the banks of the Rhône. His childhood there was the subject of his first novel, Le Gone de Chaâba ("gone" means "child"; the bidonville was called El-Chaâba), which was published in 1986 and made into a film 10 years later.

Although his father never went to school himself, he urged Azouz from an early age to get a good education, suspecting that this was the secret to climbing the social ladder. Azouz Begag came through with flying colors. He received his PhD in economics and became a university instructor and a researcher in "urban social economy" at the prestigious French CNRS scientific research center.

Nonetheless, the main focus of his research and novels remains on the problems that account for his own life history: the issue of the social mobility of immigrants in society.

Job opportunities for migrants in the civil service, police

Getting an education and escaping the "social ghettos" of the banlieues as quickly as possible is his recipe for success to young people from immigrant families.

This was the main message of a report that Begag submitted in the spring of 2004 to the Minister of the Interior at the time – the current French Prime Minister, Dominique de Villepin – in which he recommended that the children of immigrants be given greater job opportunities in the civil service, police and professional careers.

His proposals were recognized at least in one sense: When Villepin formed his government in early June, he remembered Azouz Begag and appointed him Minister for the Promotion of Equal Opportunity. It is no coincidence that Azouz Begag has been given a cabinet position by a conservative liberal right-wing government.

Migrants' natural support [to] the left is waning

Although the social background of most French immigrant families makes them "natural" supporters of the left, over a decade of empty promises from the leftist parties in power since 1981 has caused widespread disillusionment among the electorate.

Voter disenchantment is so extensive that the established leftist parties now have serious difficulties re-connecting to the well-educated sons and daughters of immigrants seeking a career (possibly in the political arena).

Moreover, the Gaullist party under Jacques Chirac, at least on a verbal level, has paid significantly more attention to the suffering of the Palestinians than the previous Socialist government under Lionel Jospin, which took a highly one-sided pro-Israeli stance on foreign policy issues. Such symbolic differences have attracted a great many highly qualified young people from immigrant families to the Gaullist right.

A mixture of repressive measures and promotion

In the interest of "promoting equal opportunities", Azouz Begag has had to weather a number of controversies in the new government. The Minister of the Interior, Nicolas Sarkozy, advocates a mixture of extremely repressive measures in the banlieues and the establishment of strict quotas to promote an educated elite from immigrant families (along the lines of "affirmative action" or "positive discrimination").

Begag rejects such mechanisms for two reasons. First, he says that they would threaten to lock individuals into an "identity". Second, he maintains that the quotas would cast doubt on the abilities of the very people who should benefit from them.

Sarkozy, who incidentally has vehemently called into question the traditional separation of church and state in France, also proposes that these students be characterized "as Muslims", whereas Begag says that the young people should be acknowledged as "competent school and university graduates".

Of course Begag also supports the removal of barriers resulting from discriminatory practices.

The gibe against Sarkozy

Begag has found diplomatic, yet clear words to contradict the current repressive course of the Interior Minister's policies. In the radio interview, he was asked to comment on recent statements made by Sarkozy, in which the Interior Minister promised to cleanse a Parisian banlieue "with a high-pressure hose" to rid it of criminals and illegal immigrants. Begag said that the term "cleansing" couldn't be applied to people. "I cleanse my shoes or my flower pots," he said to illustrate his statement.

In Begag's new film, the law-and-order minister is subtly criticized in yet another way: The mayor is handed a picture of Nicolas Sarkozy, which she hangs up in the town hall with the remark: "Oh well, there are a few fascists everywhere".

Her comment is actually directed at the village racists, but the target of this gibe is clearly Sarkozy. When he was writing his script, Begag had no way of knowing that he would one day be in the same cabinet with this hardliner while his film was shown to audiences across France.

Bernard Schmid

© Qantara.de 2005

Translation from German: Paul Cohen

qantara.de