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Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: American Spirit who wrote (73847)1/17/2007 7:29:29 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Like Nixon or Like Ike?
______________________________________________________________

By Harold Meyerson
Columnist
The Washington Post
Wednesday, January 17, 2007

For the Republicans, there are two ways out of Iraq. They can either go out like Eisenhower or like Nixon.

As the first Republican to occupy the White House since the coming of the New Deal, Dwight Eisenhower could have chosen to divide the public and try to roll back Franklin Roosevelt's handiwork. In fact, he didn't give that option a moment's consideration. Social Security and unions, he concluded, were here to stay; any attempt to undo them, he wrote, would consign the Republicans to permanent minority status. Ike also ended the Korean War without attacking Democrats in the process.

His vice president, Richard Nixon, became president largely because of the public's massive discontent with the Vietnam War. We now know that Nixon and Henry Kissinger had no illusions that the war could be won, and Nixon probably could have withdrawn U.S. troops in a way that didn't polarize the public. Such a stance, however, ran counter to Nixon's deepest instincts. For Nixon, politics was about dividing the electorate and demonizing enemies. Even as he drew down U.S. forces, he did all he could to inflame the war's already flammable opponents in the hope that however much the people might dislike the war, they would dislike its critics more.

Today's Republicans now must choose between Eisenhower's way and Nixon's way. If they're like Ike, they will recognize that the war is lost and that public support for it isn't likely to be rekindled. A USA Today/Gallup Poll conducted over the weekend shows more than 60 percent support for a congressional resolution opposing President Bush's escalation. Even reliably conservative Republicans who are up for reelection in 2008 from shaky states or districts are bailing on the war (New Hampshire Sen. John Sununu is questioning the surge) or on their careers (Colorado Sen. Wayne Allard just announced he's not going to run again). To continue dispatching and keeping troops in a country racked by an intra-Islamic civil war, looked at from this perspective, only guarantees that November's Republican defeat will be a prelude to 2008's Republican rout.

A Nixonian perspective also acknowledges that the war cannot be won but believes that blame for the defeat can still, somehow, be placed on the Democrats. If only the Democrats can be held responsible for defunding the troops, if only the U.S. presence in Iraq can be prolonged until it falls to the next administration (which may be Democratic) to end it, if only enough Republicans on the Hill can be dissuaded from voting with the Democrats' attempts to rein in the war, if only the surge engenders some wild and crazy antiwar demonstrations, then maybe, just maybe, there's a way to keep the war going without destroying the GOP. These options may seem a bit far-fetched, but who believes that Karl Rove hasn't at least thought about them in his more contemplative moments?

How Rove defines his job these days is an interesting question. Since November, he's no longer the Republicans' master political strategist -- not just because November was such a debacle but also because the political interests of the Bush White House, congressional Republicans and the Republican presidential candidates are de-aligned and in some cases even adversarial. The man who'd hoped to make Bush the second coming of William McKinley -- a harbinger of a long-term Republican realignment -- now handles a president whose electoral impact on his own party could be nearer to Herbert Hoover's.

For a time, at least, the Republicans' presidential hopefuls can't really rule out a Nixonian tack. For New York's reflexively combative Rudy Giuliani, such politics may come naturally. But the need to win support among Republican primary voters -- the last group in American politics still sticking with Bush and his war -- could compel any number of primary candidates to bash Democrats for their dovishness. Besides, will Bush and Vice President Cheney really cease to defend their war even if the Republicans' eventual nominee wants to wrap it up? If Republican congressional leaders tell Bush that his war has no more support, will Bush and Cheney fold, or will they insist on continuing the war with invocations of executive power or any other doctrine that might work? (Memo to David Addington: The divine right of kings? The infield fly rule?)

The guy to watch in all this is the pooh-bah of Fox News, Roger Ailes. Nixon's onetime aide guides a TV network that is Nixonian to its bones -- Fox's raison d'etre is to bash liberals, real or imagined. But Ailes can't be insensible to the war's effects on Republican electoral prospects. If Fox News were to break with Bush on Iraq, that would be proof positive that even the Nixonians believe there's no way, politically, they can salvage this miserable war.



To: American Spirit who wrote (73847)1/17/2007 8:59:30 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 89467
 
A man for our times -- Chuck Hagel
____________________________________________________________

By Robert Scheer
Creators Syndicate, Inc.
Wednesday, January 17, 2007

CHUCK HAGEL for president! If it ever narrows down to a choice between him and some Democratic hack who hasn't the guts to fundamentally challenge the president on Iraq, then the conservative Republican from Nebraska will have my vote. Yes, the war is that important, and the fact that Sen. Hillary Clinton of New York, the leading Democratic candidate, still can't -- or won't -- take a clear stand on the occupation is insulting to the vast majority of voters who have.

Sen. Hagel is a decorated Vietnam War vet who learned the crucial lessons of that Democratic-launched debacle of post-colonial imperialism. Even more important, he has the courage to challenge a president of his own party who so clearly didn't.

"The speech, given last night (Jan. 10) by this president, represents the most dangerous foreign policy blunder in this country since Vietnam," Hagel said. "We are projecting ourselves further and deeper into a situation that we cannot win militarily.

"To ask our young men and women to sacrifice their lives to be put in the middle of a civil war is wrong. It's, first of all, in my opinion, morally wrong. It's tactically, strategically, militarily wrong," he added.

If Sen. Barak Obama of Illinois, another Democratic darling, has uttered words of such clarifying dissent on the president's disastrous course, then I haven't heard them. Instead, too many leading Democratic politicians continue to act as if they fear that if they are forthright in opposing the war, they will appear weak, whether on national security or the protection of Israel, and so ignore the clear, strong voice of the American people that just revived their party's fortunes.

Ever since President Ronald Reagan painted foreign policy as a simplistic war of good versus evil, the Republican Party has been in the thrall of neocon adventurers. Yet, the national emergence of Hagel reminds us that, two decades earlier, it was Dwight D. Eisenhower, a war hero and a Republican, who was the only president to clearly challenge the simplistic and jingoistic militarism that most Democrats embraced during the Cold War. It was Eisenhower, in fact, who refused to send troops to Vietnam, and his Democratic successors who opened the gates of war.

True conservatives, going back to George Washington, have always been wary of the "foreign entanglements" that our first general and president warned against in his farewell address. And it is in that spirit, recognizing the limits to U.S. military power, that Hagel spoke this past Sunday on NBC's "Meet the Press."

Independent Sen. Joseph Lieberman of Connecticut, late of an oft-opportunistic Democratic Party that saw fit to nominate him as recently as 2000 for the vice presidency, had just finished accusing those who don't support Bush's escalation of the war of being "all about failing." In his defense of the indefensible, Lieberman baldly repeated many of Bush's lies that launched this war four years ago.

"The American people ... have been attacked on 9/11 by the same enemy that we're fighting in Iraq today, supported by a rising Islamist radical super-powered government in Iran," said the fearmonger. "Allowing Iraq to collapse would be a disaster for the Iraqis, for the Middle East, for us, that would embolden the Iranians and al Qaeda, who are our enemies. And they would follow us back here."

Never mind the ridiculous image of "super-powered" Iran invading the United States, or the fact that foreign jihadists -- arriving after the overthrow of anti-fundamentalist strongman Saddam Hussein -- make up a tiny fraction of the combatants in Iraq. The question is how the apparently intelligent Lieberman doesn't understand that the main task of our troops for most of their stay in Iraq has been, de facto, to expand the power of Shiite theocrats trained for decades in Iran. Tehran couldn't have baited a better trap.

In any case, Hagel refused to bite on Lieberman's apocalyptic vision, which somehow manages to skip the hard truth that Iraq has collapsed because of our involvement, not despite it.

"[T]he fact is, the Iraqi people will determine the fate of Iraq," Hagel responded, in what amounts to a radical opinion in paternalistic, arrogant Washington. "The people of the Middle East will determine their fate. We continue to interject ourselves in a situation that we never have understood, we've never comprehended [and] we now have to devise a way to find some political consensus with our allies [and] the regional powers, including Iran and Syria.

"To say that we are going to feed more young men and women into that grinder, put them in the middle of a tribal, sectarian civil war, is not going to fix the problem," he added.

Words of wisdom that set the standard for anyone running for president.

sfgate.com