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To: CalculatedRisk who wrote (96173)1/19/2007 1:36:44 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 361232
 
ABC’s The Note: Bush Gave His ‘Best TV Performance In Years’ On 60 Minutes

thinkprogress.org



To: CalculatedRisk who wrote (96173)1/19/2007 1:55:05 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 361232
 
The Mysterious Case of Massive Liquidity

cervinocapital.blogspot.com



To: CalculatedRisk who wrote (96173)1/19/2007 5:34:06 PM
From: Wharf Rat  Respond to of 361232
 
That's about the size of it.



To: CalculatedRisk who wrote (96173)1/20/2007 3:46:29 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 361232
 
Top Dems slam Bush on war strategy
____________________________________________________________

By Edward Epstein
San Francisco Chronicle Washington Bureau
Saturday, January 20, 2007
(01-20) 04:00 PST Washington

The two top Democratic leaders of the new Congress blasted President Bush on his decision to send more troops to Iraq and warned him not to take military action against Iran without their approval, but they offered their bipartisan cooperation on domestic issues.

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi of San Francisco and Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid of Nevada also indicated Friday in their annual "pre-buttal" to Bush's State of the Union speech that they want Congress to take strong action on global warming, an issue that until recently the Bush administration has downplayed.

The Democratic leaders' comments on Iraq, however, left little doubt that the debate over the war will overshadow everything else this year on Capitol Hill.

That impression was reinforced by a sharp exchange of words between the White House and Pelosi.

Pelosi, appearing on ABC's "Good Morning America," reiterated her tough stand against Bush's handling of the war.

The president "has to answer for his war. He has dug a hole so deep he can't even see the light on this. It's a tragedy. It's a stark blunder," the speaker said.

Pelosi also said that keeping troops in Iraq in the midst of sectarian fighting "is not an obligation of the American people in perpetuity." The president has said he will send 21,500 more troops to Iraq, while many congressional Democrats have called for troop withdrawals.

Pelosi indicated she thought Bush was rushing some of the extra troops to Iraq quickly to pre-empt possible congressional resolutions opposing such new deployments.

"The president knows that because the troops are in harm's way that we won't cut off the resources. That's why he's moving so quickly to put them in harm's way," Pelosi said.

Those comments set off Dana Perino, deputy White House press secretary. She called Pelosi's comments "poisonous," especially for implying that Bush was using troops for political purposes.

"Speaker Pelosi was arguing in essence that the president is putting young men and women in harm's way for tactical political reasons. And she's questioning his motivations rather than questioning his policies," Perino told reporters.

"The one thing you can say about President Bush is that he's not moving forward with this new plan because he thinks it is popular. He is doing it because he thinks it is right," she added.

Opinion polls show fewer than 3 in 10 Americans support the president's announced policy to increase troop levels in Iraq.

In her appearance with Reid at the National Press Club, Pelosi again voiced support for the bipartisan, nonbinding Senate resolution introduced this week that opposes Bush's troop increase. The House will take up the resolution if it gets through the Senate.

Reid said "the president's new plan can be summed up in four words: more of the same. Like our military generals, the American people and a growing bipartisan chorus in Congress, I believe escalation is a serious mistake."

The Senate majority leader also warned Bush about recent speculation that the administration is considering military action against Iran because of its meddling in Iraq and because of its nuclear program.

"I'd like to be clear: The president does not have the authority to launch military action in Iran without first seeking congressional authorization," Reid said.

At the White House, Perino repeated the president's position that no military operations are contemplated against Iran. "There seems to be fanning of flames where there's no fire," she said of Reid's comments.

The atmosphere over cooperation on some domestic issues is brighter going into Tuesday's scheduled State of the Union, given comments by the two Democrats and the White House.

Pelosi listed numerous issues -- such as developing alternative energy sources, immigration policy, reauthorizing the "No Child Left Behind" education program, funding basic scientific research, curbing the federal budget deficit, reforming health care policy, helping the Gulf Coast recover from Hurricane Katrina, and combatting global warming -- on which Democrats will push legislation that she hopes can be bipartisan and get Bush's support.

She said Americans "want to see their leaders focus on American priorities, and they want us to work together for the American people."

Bush plans to address many of those topics in his annual speech -- the first the president will deliver before a Congress controlled by the opposition Democrats.

"Americans should expect a discussion of the commonsense principles that will provide the basis for President Bush's approach to governing with a new Congress," Perino said.

She said the speech will differ from the usual State of the Union in that it won't be the usual "laundry list of proposals."

Since the November election, Bush has shown a more conciliatory approach toward the Democratic Congress. The president replaced Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and United Nations Ambassador John Bolton. This week, he reversed his policy on warrantless wiretaps and has indicated he would sign a minimum wage increase, which was one of Pelosi's top priorities.

But if Bush hopes to move the focus off Iraq, he probably will be disappointed. His speech will be followed immediately on network television by the Democratic response, which this year will be delivered by new Democratic Sen. Jim Webb of Virginia, who defeated Republican Sen. George Allen in November in part on an anti-war platform. Webb campaigned carrying the combat boots worn by his son, a Marine serving in Iraq.

URL: sfgate.com



To: CalculatedRisk who wrote (96173)1/25/2007 12:04:44 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 361232
 
Goldman Beware: UBS, via China, May Be New Stock King (Update2)

By Cathy Chan

Jan. 22 (Bloomberg) -- If anyone overtakes Goldman Sachs Group Inc., the worldwide leader in selling stock, it probably will be UBS AG.

UBS, Europe's biggest bank, last year arranged more equity sales than Morgan Stanley and Citigroup Inc. for the first time, according to data compiled by Bloomberg. The Zurich-based company now trails only Goldman after tripling its share of the market since 2000 by targeting issuers in China.

``You would have thought it would be a U.S. bank that's nipping at Goldman's heels,'' said Alison Sinclair, a fund manager at Glasgow-based Resolution Plc, which manages about $70 billion and holds UBS shares. ``UBS is a stealth player.''

UBS handled more equity deals in 2006 than any investment bank has in at least seven years. It arranged 247 share sales that raised $50.2 billion, compared with Goldman's 183 for $59.3 billion, Bloomberg data show. To oust New York-based Goldman, the Swiss bank needs to maintain its lead in Asia, where companies are tapping the equity market at the fastest pace anywhere.

``Being strong in Asia Pacific is becoming ever more critical to investment banks and their standing globally,'' Huw Jenkins, chief executive officer of UBS's investment bank, said in an interview.

Asia now accounts for more than a third of global equity offerings, up from 20 percent five years ago. Chinese companies will sell as much as $55 billion of stock in 2007, up from last year's $50 billion, Jing Ulrich, JPMorgan Chase & Co.'s Hong Kong-based chairman of China equities, said in an interview.

President Roosevelt

Rob Rankin, 43, has led UBS's efforts in China for the past three years after the bank assigned him to kick-start a business that was generating less than $100 million of annual revenue. Rankin, a 16-year UBS veteran who formerly ran the Asia-Pacific telecommunications, media and technology group, pledged to more than double investment-banking revenue.

He began a campaign to boost bankers' morale, sending the team copies of a 1910 speech by former U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt that extolled the virtues of those people who dare to take risks. His team gathered at Bangkok's Banyan Tree hotel in January 2004 after UBS was hired to arrange the Singapore-based luxury hotel chain's S$232 million ($150 million) initial public offering.

Rankin made it clear that China would be pivotal to winning Asia, handing UBS bankers copies of two books: James McGregor's ``One Billion Customers,'' and a lesser-known work by Carl Crow from 1937: ``400 Million Customers.'' While the opportunities had grown, he told them, the challenges remained the same.

Bank of China

UBS began to cultivate relationships with clients including Bank of China Ltd., the nation's second-biggest bank, China Communications Construction Co., the country's largest port builder, and China Merchants Bank Co. UBS helped the three companies sell first-time shares in 2006, earning about $160 million in fees. UBS also is sitting on a paper profit of $1.27 billion from the Bank of China stake it bought last year before the Beijing-based company's IPO.

In all, UBS arranged $19.4 billion of Chinese share sales last year, compared with Goldman's $15.7 billion, Bloomberg data show. UBS was hired to help manage planned offerings for China Railway Engineering Group Co. and Wuyi International Pharmaceutical Co. It worked with Goldman on last year's $11.2 billion initial share sale by Bank of China.

Goldman has beat UBS to the sale of yuan-denominated shares for Bank of Communications Ltd. and Ping An Insurance (Group), which may raise about $10 billion. Goldman also won a role to arrange an offering in Shanghai for Ningbo Commercial Bank later this year. Goldman spokesman Peter Rose declined to comment.

Most Important

``China's domestic market will be the most important in Asia and the fastest-growing piece of business globally, so being early there is essential,'' said Tian Qing, a Beijing- based fund manager at CCB Principal Asset Management Co. ``Goldman's brand and business will definitely get a boost from these big China deals, so it'll be hard for UBS to compete in the short term.''

Investment-banking fees from China more than doubled in 2006 to $200 million, Rankin said.

``As soon as we got China right, we got the whole of Asia right,'' said Rankin, who's based in Hong Kong. ``This is the real growth battleground for the securities firms globally.''

The UBS Asia investment-banking team has doubled since 2003 to about 180. The Zurich bank is likely to win the remaining licenses required to do domestic sales in China in the first half of this year.

Stronger Team

David Li, 45, joined from state-owned China Merchant Holdings International Co. in June 2005 to set up a Chinese brokerage. Last year, UBS also hired seven bankers from BNP Paribas Peregrine to win new business from private companies in China. The BNP team, led by Henry Cai, 52, has already won four Chinese underwriting assignments, including Dalian Port (PDA) Co. and Shanghai Jin Jiang International Hotels (Group) Co.

The UBS team has also been stable. Steven Sun and David Chin, co-heads of the bank's financial institutions group in Asia, have been with the firm for seven and 12 years. He De, vice chairman of investment banking, joined in 1997. The team worked on UBS's first China deal: the $2.6 billion share sale by BOC Hong Kong Ltd. in 2002. The same team helped BOC's parent, Bank of China, on its IPO.

M&A Too

UBS also had its best showing in mergers and acquisitions in Asia excluding Japan, where it overhauled Goldman to take the top spot, according to Bloomberg data. Citigroup Inc. pushed Goldman into third place.

In the last quarter, the Zurich bank advised on $12.8 billion mergers and acquisitions including Bank of China's purchase of Singapore Aircraft Leasing Enterprise and Standard Chartered Plc's acquisition of Hsinchu International Bank. It also helped Orient Overseas (International) Ltd. sell $2.35 billion of North American ports to Ontario Teachers' Pension Plan, Canada's third-biggest retirement-fund manager.

UBS still has a long way to go to catch Goldman on the fees it gets from arranging share offerings. Goldman, the world's biggest securities firm by market value, earned about $2 billion from selling stock last year, compared with $1.5 billion for UBS, Bloomberg data show.

In the U.S., where fees for selling stock are about twice what they are in Europe and Asia, UBS remains an also-ran. It ranked seventh in 2006 with a market share of 6.1 percent, according to Bloomberg data. Goldman was first with a 15.1 percent share. UBS was third in Europe after New York-based Morgan Stanley and JPMorgan Chase & Co.

`Global Success'

``Global success will become ever more dependent on implementing the kind of approach that is now bearing fruit for UBS in Asia Pacific,'' said Jenkins, 48, who spent his career running equities departments in Asia and the U.S. for UBS before becoming the investment bank's CEO in 2005.

In Asia excluding Japan, where UBS ranked first last year with 11.6 percent of the market, the Swiss bank earned average fees of 2.7 percent, according to Bloomberg data. Goldman's fees were lower at 2.5 percent, the data show. The last time UBS earned higher fees than its New York rival was in 2002, when Goldman had 23 percent of the market and UBS trailed in fifth place with 5.7 percent.

UBS missed China's first two stock booms, in 1997 and 2000, when companies rushed to sell shares as stocks soared. In 2000, mainland companies raised $13 billion through IPOs, including a $5.6 billion sale by China Unicom Ltd., the nation's second- biggest mobile-phone company.

During the late 1990s, UBS was too distracted by its own mergers to focus on Asia, Rankin said. Swiss Bank Corp. bought London-based S.G. Warburg Plc in 1995 to create SBC Warburg. Three years later, it merged with Union Bank of Switzerland to form UBS.

`Internally Focused'

``The group was probably more internally focused than it should have been,'' Rankin said. ``The merger was a big distraction in some markets, particularly in Asia.''

By 2000, UBS trailed Morgan Stanley and Goldman in Asia outside Japan. It had a 1 percent share of the market for stock sales, compared with more than 14 percent each for those two rivals. Now, UBS is well-positioned to take advantage of investment-banking revenue that's increasing by 20 percent to 25 percent a year in Asia, Rankin said.

The growing risk that China's stock rally will falter may stymie UBS's global ambitions. The Shanghai Composite Index has more than doubled since reaching an eight-year low in July 1995. The nation's stocks are valued at 31.6 times forecast profits, double the average for developing markets.

UBS itself said in a Jan. 15 report that the Shanghai index, which tracks the bigger of China's two stock exchanges, may fall more than 20 percent this year.

China Pipeline

``It's really hard to say if the market can generate a similarly strong business pipeline for investment banks in the next two years,'' said Wu Yanran, an analyst at Beijing-based New Century Fund Management Co. who tracks China's financial- services industry.

Rankin said he can't afford to be complacent after UBS lined up about 20 initial public offerings for China this year. On a cold Hong Kong day just before Christmas, he and members of the China team huddled on the corporate boat, Swissy II, and discussed how to avoid being overwhelmed by their success.

``Some banks declare victory too early,'' Rankin said. ``The battle has only just begun.''

bloomberg.com



To: CalculatedRisk who wrote (96173)1/25/2007 1:49:08 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 361232
 
Reagan Democrat
____________________________________________________________

By E. J. Dionne Jr.
Columnist
The Washington Post
Thursday, January 25, 2007

Like him or not, Ronald ("Tear Down This Wall") Reagan spoke in a clean, clear prose that almost always left listeners with a sense that he stood for something.

It may thus be no accident that Jim Webb, Virginia's new Democratic senator, was once a Reaganite.

In his reply to President Bush's State of the Union speech on Tuesday night, Webb defined the two central moral issues that animate most of the Democratic Party's rank and file: the mess in Iraq and the fact that the fruits of a growing economy are not being shared by all Americans.

Then Webb did something rather astonishing: He didn't fudge on his language or try to take the hard edge off his impatience with the status quo.

Giving the speech in response to a president's State of the Union address may be the hardest assignment in politics. Even the best of the genre reek of focus-grouped and poll-tested sentences. You have the feeling the words are dictated by some party pooh-bah who believes the speech will fail if it does not touch all the issues on every strategist's list.

Gee, say the consultants to the poor politician who has to carry the party's torch, you just have to mention health care and child care and the environment and union rights and stem cell research -- and every other issue that energizes some base voter in some corner of the party.

And, oh yes, Mr. Politician, don't forget that your real targets are those critical moderate independent swing voters in the Midwestern and Rocky Mountain states, and here's a list of key phrases we've polled to death that they respond to. You have to throw them in somewhere.

Ever wonder why politicians are so often accused of offering mush?

There was no mush from Webb. On the contrary, he tried only to make his two points, on Iraq and inequality, and he showed what he was upset about.

Many Democrats tremble that they will be accused by some right-wing Web site or presidential spokesman of waging class warfare. Webb made clear that there is a class war going on and that the wrong side is winning it.

"When I graduated from college, the average corporate CEO made 20 times what the average worker did," Webb said. "Today, it's nearly 400 times."

Yes, that's a standard sort of line from your standard progressive speech. But then came this arresting sentence: "In other words, it takes the average worker more than a year to make the money that his or her boss makes in one day."

Examine that closely. How many politicians out there raising campaign contributions from rich people are willing to use "boss" instead of a more respectful locution?

And by talking about the time it takes someone to earn a buck, Webb makes it impossible for anyone to forget how vast the inequalities in our society have become.

Webb knows whom he is fighting for. "We're working," he said, "to get the right things done, for the right people and for the right reasons."

On Iraq, Webb did not mince his words about Bush's responsibility. "The president took us into this war recklessly," he declared.

Instead of qualifying this strong statement, Webb backed it up: "He disregarded warnings from the national security adviser during the first Gulf War, the chief of staff of the Army, two former commanding generals of the Central Command. . . . " The list more than supported Webb's next thought, that "we are now, as a nation, held hostage to the predictable -- and predicted -- disarray that has followed."

Okay, even Webb held back on a couple of politically sensitive points. He offered workers an all-purpose promise on the trade issue that so divides his party. "Government," he said, "has a duty to insist that their concerns be dealt with fairly in the international marketplace."

And, yes, he simultaneously came out against "a precipitous withdrawal" from Iraq and in favor of "a formula that will in short order allow our combat forces to leave Iraq." Philosophers and lexicographers might debate the difference between the words "precipitous" and "short order."

But Webb's performance was a salutary sign that Democrats just might be getting over the battered party syndrome that has left so many of them terrified of saying exactly what's on their minds. Then again, maybe Webb was just speaking for himself. Having lived on the Republican side of politics during the Democrats' most traumatic years, he may have escaped the traumas associated with defeat.