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Politics : I Will Continue to Continue, to Pretend.... -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Sully- who wrote (25526)2/12/2007 8:52:15 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
A Trip Down Memory Lane

Power Line

The current flap over the Pentagon Inspector General's report on Douglas Feith's Office of Special Plans has embarrassed the Associated Press, the Washington Post and, if he has any shame, the Inspector General. The controversy does have the merit, though, of raising once again the issue of the relationship between Saddam's Iraq and al Qaeda and other terrorists.

The Inspector General said it was "inappropriate" for Feith's group to question the wisdom of the CIA's dogma that Saddam Hussein, a "secularist," would never cooperate with bin Laden or other Islamic terrorists. There was a time, though, when the likelihood of such collaboration was widely reported and understood. Thus, courtesy of Power Line Video, we are rescuing from the memory hole this ABC News report from 2000.


plnewsforum.com

UPDATE: Tom Joscelyn writes:

<<< The original ABC News report you linked to was from January 1999, I believe, and not 2000. The report was similar to numerous accounts in the worldwide press following Operation Desert Fox. That Clinton-ordered air campaign lasted from December 16 to December 19, 1998. Its purpose was to degrade Saddam's WMD and intelligence capabilities. Reports from more recent years indicate that the campaign nearly plunged Saddam's regime into chaos.

In any event, Saddam's response was telling. Just two days after Operation Desert Fox ended he dispatched one of his top intelligence operatives, Faruq Hijazi, to Afghanistan to meet with bin Laden.
As I and others have written, Hijazi was no low-level flunky. He was one of Saddam's most trusted goons and was responsible for overseeing a good deal of the regime's terrorist and other covert activities. It was this meeting that led to widespread reporting on the relationship between Iraq and al Qaeda. I collected a bunch of these reports, including the ABC News report, in "The Four-Day War." Another, earlier piece also discusses Saddam's conspicuous response to Operation Desert Fox.

The consensus in the media then was that there was a relationship between the two and that Saddam's regime was very willing to work with al Qaeda against their common foe: America. And vice versa. Indeed, the reporting indicated that they had been working together even long before Operation Desert Fox.

The reports from late 1998 and early 1999 are tough for naysayers to explain away for a variety of reasons, but that hasn't stopped them from trying. For example, last year's Senate Intelligence Report on Iraq's ties to al Qaeda
(the report was written, primarily, by a former John Kerry for President campaigner) unhesitatingly cited Hijazi's testimony, in which he claimed that he did not meet with bin Laden again after a lone incident in the mid 1990's. The Senate Intelligence report did not cite any of the voluminous reporting, by ABC News and other outlets, following the meeting in December 1998. Obviously, that reporting demonstrates Hijazi is a liar. I asked the Senate Intelligence Committee's staff about this after the report came out. They said they didn't have any evidence that contradicted Hijazi's testimony and that is why they cited it unquestioningly. I think that is a good demonstration of the ignorance or bias or both that clouds this issue.

Of course, at the same time that the worldwide media was reporting all of this, various CIA and National Security Council officials were watching as well. Thus, Richard Clarke worried in February 1999 about bin Laden's possible "boogie to Baghdad." A month earlier he defended intelligence tying Saddam's VX nerve gas program to a suspected al Qaeda front company in Sudan. Michael Scheuer also at one time found it convenient to cite some of this evidence. In his original 2002 edition of Through Our Enemies' Eyes he approvingly cited several of the media's late 1998/early 1999 accounts. Of course, they both now pretend none of this really means anything. >>>

Such is the state of affairs in today's Washington establishment.


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To: Sully- who wrote (25526)2/13/2007 6:36:51 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
    So someone [at the WaPo] had the two-page public portion 
of the IG report, and also had an accurate account
thereof, but nevertheless managed to misrepresent the
report's contents to make it look more critical of Feith's
group than it actually was. Is there any possible
explanation for that "egregious" and "astonish[ing]"
error, other than a political agenda that trumps all else?

A Glimpse Into the Sausage Factory

Power Line

We noted here, and Michelle Malkin noted in more detail (see links below), the extreme embarrassment of the Washington Post in connection with the Defense Department Inspector General's report on Douglas Feith's Office of Special Plans. Feith's group dissented from the CIA's interpretation of intelligence on the relationship between Iraq and al Qaeda, which the Inspector General found to be "inappropriate" for reasons which remain mysterious.

The Post's problem was that it ran a front-page story, by reporters Walter Pincus and R. Jeffrey Smith, which falsely attributed certain characterizations of Feith's group to the Inspector General's report, when in fact they originated with Democrat Senator Carl Levin of Michigan. In essence, the Post reprinted Levin's inaccurate press release as though it were news. The Post's abject correction and apology soon followed.

One of our readers has now penetrated inside the Post through an email exchange with Jeff Smith, one of the Post reporters "credited" with the story. Smith is unhappy at being associated with the debacle. This is what Smith emailed to our reader:

<<< I agree with you that this was an egregious error. I also had nothing to do with it. All I did was obtain a copy of the unclassified summary of the IG report and write a precisely correct account, which I turned over to the other reporters. I'm not happy my name was put on that story by the editors, and I was astonished by the mistake. I blew the whistle on it internally. So don't attribute the mistake to me.
Cheers,

Jeff Smith >>>


So someone--Pincus is an obvious candidate--had the two-page public portion of the IG report, and also had an accurate account thereof, but nevertheless managed to misrepresent the report's contents to make it look more critical of Feith's group than it actually was. Is there any possible explanation for that "egregious" and "astonish[ing]" error, other than a political agenda that trumps all else?

To comment on this post, go here.
plnewsforum.com

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powerlineblog.com

michellemalkin.com



To: Sully- who wrote (25526)2/15/2007 1:47:19 AM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Well no wonder. The MSM is making damn sure that they don't cover this critical story at all. To them & the DNC harming Bush is far more important than winning the GWOT & the last thing they want Americans to know is that Iraq was & is a major part of that war.
    Today, there are politicians like Carl Levin and CIA 
officials like Paul Pillar (now retired) who prefer to
forget what the intelligence agencies said back in 2002
and 2003. You might think that reporters, with access to
Lexis/Nexis--not to mention their own stories from a mere
four years ago--would remind them. You would be wrong.

The Under Secretary Responds

Power Line

We wrote here about the Inspector General's report on Department of Defense's effort, led by Doug Feith, to challenge the CIA's dogmatic conviction that Saddam's "secular" Iraq could never cooperate with Islamic militants. The Inspector General concluded that the DoD's efforts were neither illegal nor unauthorized, but were "improper."

Before the Inspector General issued his report, it was reviewed in draft form and commented on by the Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy. We have obtained a copy of the Under Secretary's comments, a document which runs to 52 pages. It is, in effect, a rebuttal of the claims asserted by the IG. I am not sure whether the document has been made public or is available online, but I don't think I've seen any reporting on it.

The Under Secretary's rebuttal of the IG's report is withering. It takes the IG's report apart, brick by brick, and shows it to be false in every material respect. Much of the Under Secretary's response is devoted to bureaucratic matters; e.g., the Inspector General was simply wrong in asserting that the work in question was carried out by the Under Secretary for Policy's office.

On the merits, the Under Secretary points out that the IG has no expertise to determine that the effort to re-evaluate the intelligence gathered by the CIA and other agencies was "improper," even though it was both legal and directed by the Secretary of Defense:


<<< The work found "inappropriate" was an exercise in alternative thinking that the second most senior civilian in this Department directed his subordinates to prepare and brief to the most senior official of this Department. The latter, after receiving the draft briefing, directed that it be shared with the [Director of Central Intelligence]. When the Deputy National Security Advisor requested the briefing, the Deputy Secretary's office directed that it be given to him. These are the activities that the Draft Report characterizes as "inappropriate," because it considers them to be "production" and "dissemination" of an "alternative intelligence assessment" contradicting assessments of the "chartered-intelligence community." If the OIG actually believes that it was inappropriate for the Deputy Secretary of Defense to have some non-[intelligence community] staff members do a critical assessment of some [intelligence community] work on a subject of major significance for national security, inappropriate for the Secretary of Defense to share the OSD work with the [Director of Central Intelligence], and inappropriate for the Deputy Secretary to share the work with the Deputy National Security Advisor when requested by the latter, the OIG should say so directly instead of finding fault with subordinate OSD offices and staff members who did as they were instructed to do. >>>

In essence, the Inspector General concluded that it was "inappropriate" to debate the significance of the intelligence that had been gathered over the years by the intelligence agencies.

The purpose of the DoD project was to re-examine the agencies' raw intelligence on the contacts between Iraq and al Qaeda "absent an a priori assumption that secular Baathists and Islamic extremists would never cooperate." The Under Secretary's comments reveal how closed-minded the CIA was on this topic, and how important it was to bring diverse perspectives to bear. Consider this anecdote:
    Sometime in early 2002, in the course of her work, [a DoD 
analyst] came across a finished 1998 CIA report on Iraq's
[redacted]. The report mentioned that Usama bin Laden had
requested and received certain training from an Iraqi
[redacted] service.
On her own initiative, she requested
and received through CIA channels the underlying
information on which the item was based, consisting of two
Memo Dissems, and subsequently obtained additional CIA
reports from DIA and CIA on the issue of Iraq and al-
Qaida.
    *** She recommended that the [Joint Intelligence Task 
Force] publish the [intelligence community] reporting
data "so that it would be available to the entire
[intelligence community] because reports published
previously did not contain this important data" and that,
without it, "analysis of the subject would be incomplete
and inaccurate in the future." ***
    The analyst then called the J-2's senior analyst and again
recommended that the [intelligence community] reporting
information be published to the entire [intelligence
community]. The J-2 analyst responded that "putting it out
there would be playing into the hands of people like
Wolfowitz,"
that the information "was old" and "only a
tid-bit," asked how did she "know that the information was
true," made a comment about trying to support "some agenda
of people in the building,"
and bucked the issue of
publication back to the JITF chief. The JITF chief took no
further action on the recommendation to publish the
information, as far as we know.
This is the highly professional, objective attitude of the intelligence agencies whom the Inspector General considered it "improper" to question.

The other aspect of the Under Secretary's comments that is of ongoing public interest is the observation that the documents created by DoD were not nearly so much at odds with the CIA's own evaluations as the IG's reported suggested. The Under Secretary notes:
    It is puzzling...that the Draft Report fails to discuss 
some of the most authoritative articulations of the
[intelligence community's] analysis on Iraq and al Qaeda--
the vetted, coordinated correspondence and testimony by
the [Director of Central Intelligence] himself to the
Congress.
So the Under Secretary retrieves from the memory hole what the CIA said about contacts between Iraq and al Qaeda during 2002 and 2003. On October 7, 2002, the Director of Central Intelligence wrote to Congress:
    *Our understanding of the relationship between Iraq and al
Qaida is evolving and is based on sources of varying
reliability. Some of the information we have received
comes from detainees, including some of high rank.
    *We have solid reporting of senior level contacts between 
Iraq and al Qaida going back a decade.
    *Credible information indicates that Iraq and al Qaida 
have discussed safe haven and reciprocal non-aggression.
    *Since Operation Enduring Freedom, we have solid evidence 
of the presence in Iraq of al Qaida members, including
some that have been in Baghdad.
    *We have credible reporting that al Qaida leaders sought 
contacts in Iraq who could help them acquire WMD
capabilities. The reporting also stated that Iraq has
provided training to al Qaida members in the areas of
poisons and gases and making conventional bombs.
    *Iraq's increasing support to extremist Palestinians, 
coupled with growing indications of a relationship with al
Qaida, suggest that Baghdad's links to terrorists will
increase, even absent military action.
In a statement to the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence on February 11, 2003, the Director of Central Intelligence stated:
    Iraq has in the past provided training in document forgery
and bomb-making to al Qaida. It also provided training in
poisons and gases to two al Qaida associates; one of these
associates characterized the relationship he forged with
Iraqi officials as successful. Mr. Chairman, this
information is based on a sold foundation of intelligence.
It comes to us from credible and reliable sources.
At a Senate Armed Services Committee hearing on February 12, 2003, the DCI stated:
    [W]e also know from very reliable information that there's
been some transfer of training in chemical and biologicals
[sic] from the Iraqis to al Qaeda.
Today, there are politicians like Carl Levin and CIA officials like Paul Pillar (now retired) who prefer to forget what the intelligence agencies said back in 2002 and 2003. You might think that reporters, with access to Lexis/Nexis--not to mention their own stories from a mere four years ago--would remind them. You would be wrong.

UPDATE: Hugh Hewitt wrote on this topic this morning, and his post includes a scanned-in copy of the Under Secretary's response to the draft report (linked below).

To comment on this post, go here.
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hughhewitt.townhall.com