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Politics : Just the Facts, Ma'am: A Compendium of Liberal Fiction -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Sully- who wrote (56010)3/17/2007 12:40:01 AM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 90947
 
The Art of Opposition

Will the White House now stop underestimating the Democratic Congress?

BY KIMBERLEY A. STRASSEL
The Wall Street Journal Editorial Page
Friday, March 16, 2007

If President Bush is looking for an early Christmas present for his top Justice appointees, he could do worse than Sun Tzu's "The Art of War." Attorney General Alberto Gonzales's edition might even be unabridged.

Call the administration's handling of the eight fired U.S. attorneys what you will (and many adjectives come to mind), at bottom this is a story of a White House and Justice Department that have yet to understand how rocked is their world. Their GOP brethren are no longer running Congress, and the Democrats who took over want blood. The administration made its first, costly, mistake by underestimating the opposition.

Democrats can't be accused of the same naivete. They understood on Nov. 8 that their real majority power would rest in investigations and the almighty subpoena. Sens. Dianne Feinstein and Chuck Schumer began maneuvering their troops in January--a hearing here, a press conference there--patiently waiting for an opportunity to escalate the attorneys affair. They got their opening when Deputy Attorney General Paul McNulty made the amateur-hour error of testifying that the dismissals were performance-related.

That phrase turned what should have been a minor skirmish over presidential prerogatives into a bloody battle over allegations of cronyism and coverups. And the real humiliation for the White House is that it never had to be this way.

Presidents--yes, even President Bush--have a right to shape a broad prosecutorial agenda, and to demand their appointees pursue those priorities. This isn't just acceptable, it's desirable. U.S. attorneys have few enough checks on their power, without also laboring under the delusion they don't have to answer to their boss. In this case, the administration had more than enough philosophical differences with the fired attorneys--on issues of voter fraud, the death penalty, obscenity--to justify replacement.

What it failed to consider was the new political landscape. A White House and Justice Department on their game, scanning the Schumer-Feinstein battlefield ahead, would have sent Mr. McNulty to the Hill with a very different script. The deputy AG would have laid out the president's absolute right to hire and fire, and pleasantly noted that while the eight attorneys were all fine people, the chief was making a change. He would also have declined to serve up any gory specifics of the administration's personnel decisions. If details had later leaked, the administration would have at least staked out a principled position, and an honest one at that.

Instead, Mr. McNulty's "performance" line inspired the fired prosecutors to defend themselves, namely by dishing up nefarious reasons for their pink slips. Congressional Democrats were able to spin those accusations further after emails blew a hole through Mr. McNulty's testimony. Instead of standing on principle, the administration found itself defending against allegations it had canned attorneys to stop politically sensitive investigations, or to reward cronies with jobs. Mr. Gonzales also had to admit "incomplete information" had been relayed to Congress. That alone was enough to inspire Mr. Schumer and House Judiciary Committee pit bull John Conyers to demand the testimony of top officials, and to guarantee many more weeks--if not months--of a drubbing.

The genesis of these flubs is still unclear, and Democrats have their guns aimed at lofty targets, namely Karl Rove. But it's difficult to see how the competence buck doesn't stop at Justice. Mr. McNulty and Mr. Gonzales are both pleading ignorance, and the official rap has so far fallen on Mr. Gonzales's chief of staff D. Kyle Sampson. But someone ultimately has to take responsibility for running the outfit. Mr. McNulty's defense, as it were, seems to be he has no clue about what happens in his own department and admitted as much in sworn testimony.

Yet if anyone should know how dangerous it is to hand Democrats an excuse to investigate, it's Mr. Gonzales. He was White House counsel back when the Valerie Plame affair erupted, and presumably signed off on President Bush's early and unconsidered remark that a "crime" may have been committed. By the time anyone figured out no such thing had happened, Democrats had hounded up a special prosecutor to turn the case into a three-year referendum on the Iraq war, and Scooter Libby was on his way to a conviction. It was a Gonzales-McNulty special that led to the other big congressional meltdown of the past year--the FBI raid of Louisiana Democrat William Jefferson's legislative offices.

The White House showed some early signs of threat awareness after the election when it drafted Fred Fielding as White House counsel, replacing Harriet Miers. Mr. Fielding is a wartime consigliere, a veteran of the Nixon and Reagan years, and a man who understands subpoenas. Yet he only got up and running recently, and in any event does not appear to have received the attorney-firing memo. He's now playing clean-up, and as part of that duty may want to consider sending a few of his more seasoned pros to camp out at Justice and prevent further fiascos.

Especially given how much collateral damage has come from the attorneys flap so far. One early casualty has been the president's right to shape a prosecutorial agenda. The administration's ineptitude has given the left an opening to claim the White House is politicizing justice. It matters little that many voters put Mr. Bush in office precisely because they expected his administration to take a harder line on voter fraud or pornography rings. The administration will now find it harder to maneuver in this area.

More concerning is the damage to Mr. Gonzales himself. The AG is the front man for most of the White House's more vital, if controversial, anti-terror policies--from wiretapping to detainees. Democrats strongly object to many of these programs and know only too well that the more they bruise and bloody Mr. Gonzales in this fight, the harder it will be for him to effectively take tough stands down the road. They've already had an early taste of victory, when the AG last week agreed to give up his new power to appoint interim attorneys--a power designed to aid terrorism prosecutions.

Mr. Bush is sticking with Mr. Gonzales for the moment, and that may make sense. For all the noise of this affair, there's still no there there, and Democrats will have to dig up dirtier dirt to force a resignation. But if the White House is smart it will learn from this and start taking the opposition to heart.

Ms. Strassel is a member of The Wall Street Journal's editorial board, based in Washington. Her column appears Fridays.

opinionjournal.com



To: Sully- who wrote (56010)3/21/2007 4:40:46 AM
From: Sully-  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 90947
 
Warning! Associated Pravda report below - See video of Bush in his own words at this link, consider what we've read about it here online, then compare it to this DNC Talking Points report below.

hotair.com

****

Bush Says He Will Oppose Subpoenas of His Staff in Matter of Fired Prosecutors

Tuesday, March 20, 2007

WASHINGTON — President Bush said late Tuesday that he will oppose any congressional efforts to subpoena White House staff in the investigation of the firing of eight federal prosecutors, a scandal that has put his administration and Attorney General Alberto Gonzales under scrutiny in the last week.

"We will not go along with a partisan fishing expedition," Bush said. "I have proposed a reasonable way to avoid an impasse. I hope they (members of Congress) don't choose confrontation."

Bush said he has given Gonzales, White House political strategist Karl Rove and former counsel Harriet Miers the go-ahead to talk to congressional committees — but not under oath — in the investigation of the firing of the eight U.S. attorneys.

Bush said they are free to speak with lawmakers and their aides to explain how the decisions to oust the prosecutors were made.

"In this case, I recognize the importance of Congress understanding how and why this decision was made," Bush said in an evening press conference. "So I'll allow members of Congress to interview key members of my staff."

Sen. Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., who is helping lead the Senate-side investigation, was quick to fire back Tuesday.

Though he said he was happy to hear that Bush wanted to cooperate so that the truth about why the attorneys were fired comes out, he felt the president's offer on how to participate in the probe was sorely lacking.

"When we learned what he has proposed, it can only be called very disappointing," Schumer told the Senate floor. "When you look at it closely, the cooperation is minimal ... The offer made by the president is not going to get the truth."

Without a public hearing, record of testimony in the form of a transcript or a statement made under oath, Schumer argued, nothing will be accomplished and nothing can be done to "restore the integrity of the Justice Department."

"Bottom line is, if the president wants the truth to come out, then he would have testimony given in a far more full and open way," Schumer said.

Earlier in the day, White House Counsel Fred Fielding met with House Judiciary Committee Chairman John Conyers and Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Patrick Leahy to offer up Rove and Miers, but in a formal letter placed conditions on their appearances.

Fielding said the interviews would be limited to questions on communications between White House and Justice Department officials who may have discussed the request for resignations and communications between the White House and members of Congress about those requests.

"Those interviews should be conducted by both committees jointly," Fielding wrote.

"Questioning of White House officials would be conducted by a member or limited number of members, who would be accompanied by committee staff," the letter continues.

"Such interviews would be private and conducted without the need for an oath, transcript, subsequent testimony, or the subsequent issuance of subpoenas. A representative of the Office of the Counsel to the President would attend these interviews and personal counsel to the invited officials may be present at their election."

Click here to read Fielding's letter to lawmakers.
news.findlaw.com

Fielding's offer "is sort of giving us the opportunity to talk to them but not giving us the opportunity to figure out what really happened here," Schumer told reporters earlier Tuesday, before his statements on the Senate floor.

He told the press that he and Conyers had been considering writing up subpoenas for Rove and Miers, even though they may not be served.

The proposed deal from Fielding came as Senate aides combed through thousands of e-mails and other documents dumped by the Justice Department to show eight former U.S. attorneys weren't fired for political reasons.

Gonzales has been battered by Democrats and some Republicans over his handling of the issue when faced with questions from Congress about the fired federal prosecutors. But Democratic lawmakers said they need to see the role the White House played in the firings.

In his letter Fielding said the 3,000 pages of documents and availability of White House aides should be enough to satisfy the lawmakers while still "respecting the constitutional prerogatives of the presidency."

"In the midst of this current debate, the president must remain faithful to the fundamental interests of the presidency and the requirements of the constitutional separation of powers. We wish to reach a reasonable accommodation so as to provide your committees the information they are seeking in a way that will allow this president, and future presidents, to continue to discharge their constitutional responsibilities effectively," Fielding wrote.

Bush called the type of cooperation he is offering in the investigation "unprecedented."

"In the past 24 hours, the Justice Department has provided more than 3,000 pages ... including those reflecting direct communication with White House staff," Bush said.


Picking Through the Details

Earlier in the day, the Senate voted 94-2 to shut down the ability of the president or attorney general to place a U.S. attorney in a position indefinitely, circumventing the Senate confirmation process.

According to the bill, the White House has 120 days in which to nominate an individual, and if no appointment is made, a federal judge in the district in which a vacancy exists makes the appointment until a nominee can be sent up for review. That's the process that had been in place before Congress updated the Patriot Act a year ago. At that time, the wording was changed so the law allowed the president or attorney general to use emergency powers to appoint U.S. attorneys.

Senate Judiciary Committee ranking member Arlen Specter told "FOX News Sunday" earlier this week that no one noticed the impact the language would have until it was put into application. The fix proposed by Specter and Sen. Dianne Feinstein, D-Calif., returned the language to its previous form.

The document drop seeks to clear up the debate over whether performance or politics caused the firing of the eight attorneys, all Bush appointees.

One e-mail indicates Gonzales got angry when Deputy Attorney General Paul McNulty told Congress last month that an Arkansas prosecutor was fired to make room for Tim Griffin, a former assistant to presidential adviser Karl Rove. Gonzales apparently felt the claim was inaccurate.

"The Attorney General is extremely upset with the stories on the U.S. attorneys this morning," Justice spokesman Brian Roehrkasse, who was traveling with Gonzales in South America at the time, wrote in a Feb. 7 e-mail. "He also thought some of the DAG's statements were inaccurate."

In a statement Monday night, Roehrkasse said he was referring to Gonzales' concerns over the firing of Bud Cummins in Little Rock, who he believed was dismissed because of performance issues. At the hearing, McNulty indicated Cummins was being replaced by a political ally.

But some other e-mails challenge the claim that prosecutors were fired for their performance, and that has oddsmakers betting on whether the attorney general will keep his job.

Among the e-mails that are particularly worrisome are two written by former Gonzales Chief of Staff Kyle Sampson, who in one weighs the prospect of former U.S. Attorney Bud Cummins testifying before Congress.

"I don't think he should," wrote Sampson in the Feb. 1 e-mail. "How would he answer: Did you resign voluntarily? Who told you? What did they say?"

Other questions laid out by Sampson as possible from Congress included: "Did you ever talk to Tim Griffin about his becoming U.S. attorney? What did Griffin say? Did Griffin ever talk about being AG appointed and avoiding Senate confirmation? Were you asked to resign because you were underperforming? If not, then why?"

In another e-mail, Sampson admits he hadn't studied the prosecutor's record. Sampson resigned after other documents suggested he'd misled lawmakers.

In a separate e-mail exchange released, Margaret Chiara, the U.S. attorney in Grand Rapids, Mich., wrote to McNulty on Feb. 1 to inquire "Why have I been asked to resign?"

Early this month, she wrote McNulty again, saying, "I respectfully request that you reconsider the rationale of poor performance as the basis for my dismissal. It is in our mutual interest to retract this erroneous explanation."

She added: "Politics may not be a pleasant reason but the truth is compelling."

Chiara asked McNulty to "endorse or otherwise encourage my selection" as assistant director at the Justice Department's National Advocacy Center, which trains federal, state and local prosecutors.

In one uncomfortable exchange with Chiara, McNulty aide Mike Elston said, "our only choice is to continue to be truthful about this entire matter."

"The word performance obviously has not set well with you and your colleagues," Elston wrote. "By that word we only meant to convey that there were issues about policy, priorities and management/leadership that we felt were important to the Department's effectiveness."

Other e-mails offer rich detail about why some of the U.S. attorneys lost favor in Washington.

John McKay, the prosecutor based in Seattle, circulated an Aug. 30, 2006, letter to McNulty that blasted the Justice Department for delays in creating a database allowing law enforcement to share information on terror cases. The letter was sent to at least some U.S. attorneys.

In an e-mail to McNulty, Chuck Rosenberg, the prosecutor based in Alexandria, Va., said that other U.S. attorneys "are chagrined and embarrassed" over McKay's letter and "are probably happy to let him take the heat."

In the run-up to the firings, McNulty questioned the dismissal of U.S. Attorney Daniel Bogden in Nevada.

"I'm a little skittish about Bogden," McNulty wrote in a Dec. 7 e-mail to Sampson. "He has been with DOJ since 1990 and, at age 50, has never had a job outside government."

Still, McNulty concluded: "I'll admit have not looked at his district's performance. Sorry to be raising this again/now; it was just on my mind last night and this morning."

Meanwhile, The Washington Post reported that unreleased documents indicate Special Counsel Patrick Fitzgerald, who won a conviction against Vice President Cheney's former chief of staff, I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby, earlier this month, was put on a list of prosecutors who had not distinguished themselves.

The list was devised while Fitzgerald was in the middle of the investigation that led to the charges against Libby. Two other prosecutors that ranked in the same range as Fitzgerald were fired.

Click here to read The Washington Post article.

Another Offer of Support to Gonzales

During the news conference, Bush once more expressed his support for Gonzales, as the firings happened on the attorney general's watch.

Bush said it's not unusual to consider whether to accept the resignations of U.S. attorneys at the start of a second term. He added that he decided against a wholesale firing of all 93 attorneys.

"I support the attorney general," Bush said. "These attorneys serve at the pleasure of the president. I appointed them all ... I'm sorry, frankly, that this has bubbled to the surface the way it has, for these attorneys."

On Tuesday morning, Bush called Gonzales directly "to reaffirm his strong backing and support of the attorney general," White House Press Secretary Tony Snow said.

Snow told reporters traveling with the president to Kansas that Bush did not give Gonzales any assurances that he will remain attorney general but "did give him a very strong vote of confidence." Snow added that he didn't know if Gonzales had made an offer to step down.

But neither the new legislation nor Bush's words of support nor the thousands of pages of documents is likely to end Democrats' and some Republicans' calls for Gonzales to resign.

Feinstein and Leahy, D-Vt., complained that many pages of the documents had areas that were whited out before they were sent over.

On top of it all, Colorado Rep. Tom Tancredo called for Gonzales' resignation, saying that the attorney general had failed to enforce the law.

"While I do not believe the dismissal of these eight political appointees warrants Mr. Gonzales' removal, his total mishandling of the affair is simply the latest in a series of leadership failures at the Justice Department," said Tancredo, who has criticized the department over the prosecution of two Border Patrol agents.

If Not Gonzales, Then Who?

With all the talk of a possible resignation from Gonzales, The Politico newspaper has offered up several names of possible replacements.

They include White House homeland security adviser Frances Fragos Townsend, Homeland Security Secretary Michael Chertoff, former Solicitor General Ted Olson, Assistant Attorney General Kenneth Wainstein and federal appeals judge Laurence Silberman and PepsiCo attorney Larry Thompson, who was the government's highest ranking black law enforcement official when he was deputy attorney general during Bush's first term.

"Other names to put on your list, people very familiar to you, former congressman from California, Chris Cox, now the chairman of the Securities and Exchange commission, Larry Thompson, a favorite of the president now with Pepsi. People have even talked about (former Sen.) Fred Thompson of Tennessee and one more name that's out there is the attorney general under President Bush 41, Bill Barr," Mike Allen, who wrote the story for Politico.com, told FOX News.

Click here to read The Politico story.

Asked about the truth of reports of a replacement search, Snow said no such effort is under way.

"The Gonzales reports are just flat false, period," Snow said. "I think what you've got is gossip that people thought was too juicy not to report, unfortunately, for the sake of the people who did the reporting. It's false."

FOX News' Wendell Goler, Catherine Donaldson-Evans and The Associated Press contributed to this report.

foxnews.com



To: Sully- who wrote (56010)3/21/2007 5:06:41 AM
From: Sully-  Read Replies (8) | Respond to of 90947
 
"We will not go along with a partisan fishing expedition aimed at honorable public servants". "It will be regrettable if they choose to head down the partisan road of issuing subpoenas and demanding show trials when I have agreed to make key White House officials and documents available."

"If the Democrats truly do want to move forward and find the right information, they ought to accept what I proposed." "If scoring political points is the desire, then the rejection of this reasonable proposal will really be evident for the American people to see."

"My choice is to make sure that I safeguard the ability for presidents to get good decisions". "If the staff of a president operated in constant fear of being hauled before various committees to discuss internal deliberations, the president would not receive candid advice and the American people would be ill-served."

-- President Bush

comcast.net



To: Sully- who wrote (56010)4/2/2007 5:11:33 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 90947
 
ABC's Silent Expert

Stephanopoulos knows more than he lets on about firing U.S. attorneys.

BY MARK LASSWELL
The Wall Street Journal Editorial Page
Sunday, April 1, 2007

How does "World News with Charles Gibson" do it? For the fifth time in seven weeks, the ABC newscast the week before last drew the biggest audience on average (8.4 million) of the three network evening-news shows. Marveling at the newscast's ascendancy after two years of turmoil in ABC's anchor ranks, media observers tend to dwell on the unexpected old-shoe appeal of Mr. Gibson. But there may be another explanation. Facing up to the reality that, alas, many folks these days like to get their news from "The Daily Show with Jon Stewart," ABC News has added comedy to the mix.

How else to explain those hilarious skits when Chief Washington Correspondent George Stephanopoulos reports on the brouhaha over the Justice Department's firing of eight U.S. attorneys while the proverbial elephant in the room is lurking just off-camera?

Mr. Stephanopoulos doesn't mention his own valuable expertise on the subject of fired federal prosecutors, the kind of expertise that might help place the current mess in context. Mr. Stephanopoulos was the Clinton White House communications director in 1993 when the Justice Department cleaned its slate of all 93 U.S. attorneys, and he was central to the administration's finessing of the episode--just the sort of insider experience, presumably, that prompted ABC News to hire Mr. Stephanopoulos fresh out of the White House in 1996.

And yet even when Mr. Gibson and Mr. Stephanopoulos engage in the sort of exploratory anchor-reporter chitchat that is a staple of network news nowadays, somehow the two manage not to crack up as they rake over the latest sinister developments in the fired-prosecutors "scandal" without acknowledging that one of the newsmen knows a good bit more than he lets on about how these things work.

Mr. Stephanopoulos remains just as sober when working solo on Sunday mornings as the host of "This Week" or helping out on "Good Morning America." There hasn't been this much stone-faced comedy in circulation since Buster Keaton's heyday.

It's a pity, because Mr. Stephanopoulos might be able to help viewers understand why the firing of eight U.S. attorneys in the Bush administration has been by far the biggest television-news story lately, and yet when dozens of federal prosecutors were fired during the Clinton administration, it was barely noticed by network newscasts. According to the Tyndall Report, which tracks this sort of thing, during the week of March 12-16, the three network evening newscasts spent a total of 45 minutes on the prosecutors story, with the war in Iraq placing second at 16 minutes. "World News with Charles Gibson" logged 13 of those 45 minutes on the prosecutors.

By contrast, in 1993, Attorney General Janet Reno's wholesale firing of U.S. attorneys appointed by George H.W. Bush was a non-story on the ABC evening news--literally a non-story, according to records kept by the Vanderbilt University Television News Archive, as in zero coverage. CBS also skipped it; NBC gave it 20 seconds.

At the risk of putting a damper on all the fun, here's a primer on the sort of White House experience that ABC's chief Washington correspondent could draw on to enlighten viewers.

First of all, misleading messages from a hapless attorney general can be corrected: Janet Reno had only been on the job for a matter of days when she announced the blanket dismissal of U.S. attorneys in March 1993, and she bungled the job, letting word get out that prosecutors involved in significant investigations would be allowed to complete them. As was noted at the time, this would have meant that an ongoing investigation of the powerful House Democrat and vital Clinton ally, Dan Rostenkowski, by the U.S. attorney for the District of Columbia, Jay Stephens, would continue uninterrupted.

The White House, or rather Mr. Stephanopoulos, quickly torpedoed that idea. In a press briefing, he announced that among the prosecutors whose resignations had been demanded, "there are at least some people who are in the middle of trials right now who will not be replaced." Trials, he specified, not investigations. "Interestingly," a Hartford Courant editorial noted back then, "Miss Reno didn't explain the impending dismissals. The president's personal spokesman, George Stephanopoulos, did the fast talking."

Lesson number two: When the White House comes under suspicion of politicizing the process of replacing federal prosecutors, don't deny it. In 1993, when a reporter asked Mr. Stephanopoulos about the origins of Ms. Reno's decision to jettison all the U.S. attorneys, the exchange went like this:

<<< Mr. Stephanopoulos: I assume she was in discussions with the White House counsel, but it is her decision.

Q: Can you tell us whether the White House counsel may have suggested the idea?

Mr. Stephanopoulos: I don't know if he specifically suggested it, but I am certain that he was consulted.

Q: Would it be fair then to say that after consultations with the White House she decided to do this?

Mr. Stephanopoulos: It would be fair to say that she consulted with the White House before making the announcement.

Q: And the White House approved.

Q: The decision or the announcement?

Mr. Stephanopoulos: The White House did not disagree.

Q: I want to thank you for your persistence--(Laughter). >>>


Finally, keep an eye on the aftermath: Jay Stephens put his U.S. attorney job behind him and was soon hired by the Resolution Trust Corp., an independent regulatory agency, to investigate claims stemming from the collapse of Madison Guaranty Savings & Loan. For those who have filed away their memories of the Clintons' Arkansas years, Madison Guaranty was connected to the Rose Law Firm, Hillary Clinton's former employer, and the firm would be an area of interest for any investigator.

Then, in February 1994, according to the Dallas Morning News, the RTC got an irate conference call from Harold Ickes, the White House deputy chief of staff, and George Stephanopoulos, by then President Clinton's senior advisor, to protest the hiring. Amid reports that they tried to have Mr. Stephens fired--it would have been his second pink slip in less than a year--the White House issued a statement that Mr. Ickes and Mr. Stephanopoulos had "no recollection" of making such a request.

Mr. Stephanopoulos long ago changed jobs, too, but plenty of members of Congress remain right where they were in 1993. And that may be the only lesson we need regarding the nature of the fired-prosecutors "scandal": Then as now, Democrats control both houses, but in 2007 they have a Republican administration to make miserable.

Mr. Lasswell is deputy books editor at The Wall Street Journal.

opinionjournal.com