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Politics : Sioux Nation -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: SiouxPal who wrote (103381)3/29/2007 12:10:32 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 361945
 
Does Early Money Matter in The 2008 Race?
______________________________________________________________

The first-quarter fund-raising figures for the 2008 presidential race arrive Sunday. Do they matter?

WEB-EXCLUSIVE COMMENTARY
By Howard Fineman
Newsweek

March 28, 2007 - The first "primary" ends Sunday, when the deadline passes for first-quarter contributions to 2008 presidential candidates. Inside the Beltway, we make a big deal of these numbers as the first concrete measure of ... actually, I’m not quite sure of what.

Early money doesn’t necessarily mean late money, let alone guarantee you the nomination. What matters is how you raise the cash—the Internet having become the preferred method. Among Democrats, the Net’s role will become even more central once MoveOn.org, with 3.2 million activist members, cranks up a novel series of online "town halls" this spring. They will feature one-click links to campaign fund-raising sites. If you like what the candidate says on, say, the war in Iraq or health care, have your credit card handy!

Then there is the matter of timing. If you enter the race late (as, say Al Gore and Newt Gingrich might next fall, or Fred Thompson this spring), you have the chance to catch a free-media wave, worth more than any heavy buy of TV ads—and avoid this early grind altogether.

Still, we want to know who has Hoovered up how much. Interviews with fund-raisers, staffers, consultants and kibitzers leave me a tentative bottom line. Among Democrats, Sen. Hillary Clinton is likely to finish first, with at least $25 million raised—a formidable number. Sen. Barack Obama could be in the $15 million to $20 million range, quite an achievement for a campaign only a couple months old. Former senator John Edwards, helped by a surge of sympathy and support for his wife and her battle with breast cancer, could be in the $10 million to $15 million range.

Presidents Gramm and Dean
On the Republican side, it sounds as though former Massachusetts governor Mitt Romney, intent on showing that he belongs in the big leagues by raising money, will finish first, in the neighborhood of $20 million. He will be followed, as one insider put it, by a disappointing "15-ish" for Sen. John McCain and "13-ish" for former New York mayor Rudy Giuliani.

So, if these numbers are borne out, does that mean Hillary and Mitt have it locked up? Obviously not. For one, money, especially early money, isn’t everything. Ask presidents Phil Gramm and Howard Dean. Second, early doesn’t always translate into late, either on the up side or the down. Romney is raising tons of money, but—despite quite extensive media exposure—doesn’t seem to be making much if any progress in the national polls.

McCain’s strategists argue that he didn’t get serious about fund-raising until March, and that he’ll do better this spring. I doubt that, but let’s see. Hillary (with an assist from Bill) squeezed their carefully maintained donor lists as hard as possible for the first quarter. But not all of them were enthusiastic about the embrace—and not sufficiently excited about Hillary to do what the campaign needs next: scramble to find a new generation of donors to squeeze.

It’s Obama who has the upside—if he can survive the next round of media scrutiny and oppo attacks. He is attracting a new generation of donors, literally. An example: Bob Rubin, the former Treasury secretary, is for Hillary; his son, Jamie, is for Barack. I’ve heard of several other examples among the lawyers, investment bankers and other members of the American donor class.

The Internet Factor
The Net may matter most in the end. You can fill ballrooms with fat cats and "max out" their support immediately—this year it is $2,300 per person for the nomination season. That is what Bill Clinton did last week, raising more than $2.5 million in one shot. But Dean, in 2003 and 2004, showed the immense, viral power of the Internet as a fund-raising tool. On the net you are dealing with literally millions of possible donors—and with a general public that has grown used to (even dependent on) using credit cards for online transactions.

Obama is likely to report the highest percentage of Net-generated support among leading Democrats. Edwards, who has carefully nurtured his grass-roots base and online presence, is expected to do well in that regard, too.

On the Republican side, it seems as though Giuliani is stealing the Washington outsider’s momentum from McCain—and, in doing so, McCain’s Internet appeal. McCain’s people are blaming his stumble this quarter on the fact that he relied too strongly, initially, on Net-based fund-raising. Rudy, by contrast, will show some surprising strength on the Net.

Money is important, but timing is, too. Some of the savvier strategists here are convinced that if no one consolidates a lead on the GOP side, that either Thompson or Gingrich (or both) will enter the race. And with polls showing roughly half of the American people saying that they would "never" vote for Hillary, the search for the ideal Democratic standard bearer continues.

No one could raise more money in a hurry than Al Gore—except for Michael Bloomberg. And the New York mayor may have the best idea of all: run as an independent in the summer of 2008, and spend your own billions. That way you don’t need to raise money at all.

URL: msnbc.msn.com



To: SiouxPal who wrote (103381)3/29/2007 9:42:02 AM
From: E. T.  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 361945
 
Ghost Prisons, Ghost Courtrooms
From CIA secret prisons, 14 "high-level" terror suspects are at Gitmo. Where are all the others?
by Nat Hentoff
March 25th, 2007 11:21 PM

On September 17, 2001, the president told the National Security Council that, at the advice of then CIA director George Tenet (who was later awarded the Medal of Freedom by the president) he was going to issue a classified Memorandum of Notification that would give the CIA permission to use "special authorities to detain Al Qaeda operatives worldwide."

Without consulting Congress or any court, Bush had given the CIA the power to ignore American laws and our international treaty obligations to—among other war crimes under the Geneva Conventions—create its own secret prisons around the world. The CIA could also continue to conduct "renditions" to kidnap terrorism suspects to be interrogated in countries known for torturing their prisoners.

Those held in CIA secret prisons had no contact with the outside world: no lawyers, no visits from the Red Cross, and no word to their families. As some former CIA agents have revealed, CIA personnel involved in the "disappearances" feared they might eventually have to face American courts for their crimes against a multitude of laws.

These concerns intensified as the existence of these CIA prisons began to be revealed—first by The Washington Post's Dana Priest in 2002, followed by many other reporters, including this one, here and abroad—as well as through investigations by human rights organizations.

The names of these vanished prisoners, and what was being done to them, were still unknown, except for some details by a few released former CIA secret prisoners. But the existence of these gulags greatly tarred America's image among our allies and the rest of the world. Damage control by the administration consisted of the president, the secretary of state, and other officials denying there were such prisons, in a pious chorus of assurances that "the United States does not torture." (I offer to any cartoonist the children's story of Pinocchio, whose nose kept lengthening with each lie he told.)

On September 6, 2006, the president, at last—as condemnations of these ghost prisons multiplied around the world—admitted their existence and said that 14 "high-value" ghost prisoners would be transferred to Guantánamo to eventually be tried by military commissions.

From ghost prisons, the dread Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and other purported master terrorists were brought into ghost courtrooms. At Guantánamo, the prisoners have no right to have lawyers present, to call their own witnesses, or to know the names of their accusers. (Instead of lawyers, they have "personal representatives" assigned by the military.)

The hearing for KSM marked the first time these Combatant Status Review Tribunals were closed to all reporters. The "blackout" resulted in reporters and the public getting only transcripts of the proceedings heavily redacted (censored) by the Pentagon. We are not even allowed to know the names of the five military officers, the tribunal's official reporter, or the translator in that ghost courtroom.

Amid the extensive press coverage of KSM's Gitmo "confessions" of multiple horrific crimes—including the planning of 9/11 and the beheading of Wall Street Journal reporter Daniel Pearl—the Pentagon's transcript blacked out what he started to say about his treatment (torture) in the four years he was in the secret CIA prison system. Also redacted was his written statement about the abuses.

It had already been widely reported that he was "waterboarded" (made to believe he was drowning) soon after his CIA interrogation began; and it is highly probable that his future confessions in that black site were facilitated by additional "coercive interrogations." There is external evidence that KSM did indeed commit some of the atrocities in the admissions he repeated in the Gitmo ghost courtroom, but the Bush administration remains intent on not disclosing the methods used to get him to talk because they are very likely to be "crimes against humanity" in international law.

His CIA interrogators, along with all other CIA agents involved in torturing prisoners and in "renditions" by kidnapping, need not worry any longer about being prosecuted for those crimes. The Military Commissions Act of 2006 retroactively spared them any punishment for such acts. But if the details are revealed, the president would be further prosecuted in world opinion.

The president, in finally acknowledging the existence of the CIA secret prisons, emphasized that no prisoners remain in those gulags. Even if you trust what he says in these matters, the Military Commissions Act allows these prisons to stay open for future manacled guests—and for the CIA renditions to continue.

The National Association of Evangelicals has endorsed, according to the March 16 Washington Post, "An Evangelical Declaration Against Torture: Protecting Human Rights in an Age of Terror." Its Washington policy director, Reverend Rich Cizik, emphasized: "We are the conservatives, let there be no mistake on that . . . who wholeheartedly support the war against terror, but that does not mean by any means necessary."

These evangelicals say they want to help Americans "regain our moral clarity." There is no moral clarity in the ghost courtrooms at Guantánamo, the deeply un-American Military Commissions Act, and a host of other covert missions by the most immoral presidency in our history.

But as Americans recoiled at the redacted confessions of KSM, Human Rights Watch raised a huge specter of missing moral clarity, of unanswered questions about the CIA secret prisons: their exact locations, the treatment of detainees, and the "complicity of other governments" harboring them in their countries.

And most important, what of all the other CIA ghost prisoners? Who are they? Where are they? What was done to them all these years? How have they been disposed of?

villagevoice.com



To: SiouxPal who wrote (103381)3/29/2007 9:42:26 AM
From: T L Comiskey  Respond to of 361945
 
Ancient wreath returns to Greece
By Malcolm Brabant
BBC News, Athens

A spectacular golden wreath dating back to the 4th Century BC is due to go on display at the National Archaeology Museum in Greece.

The Macedonian wreath was returned to Athens at the weekend by the Getty Museum in Los Angeles.

Greece fought for 10 years to prove that it had been illegally spirited out of the country.

The restitution of the wreath is part of a campaign aimed at restoring the Elgin (or Parthenon) Marbles to Greece.

Now restored to its rightful home, the wreath is one of the most exquisite treasures in Greece.

It is a floral crown, a confection of realistic leaves and flowers made of gold foil attached to a slender headband 28cm (11in) in diameter.

It was probably made after the death of Alexander the Great and worn on ceremonial occasions.

Experts believe it was buried with the remains of its owner in northern Greece.

The Getty Museum purchased the wreath from a Swiss dealer in 1993 for just over $1m (750,000 euros; £500,000).

Last year, the Americans finally agreed to return their prized possession after the Greeks convinced them that it had been illegally excavated and smuggled out of the country.

The Getty's director, Michael Brand, told the BBC in a statement that everyone was saddened to see the wreath leaving, but that returning it to Greece was the correct action to take.

Elgin campaign

Greece hopes that other museums will now follow the Getty's example.

In particular, it wants the British Museum in London to hand back the frieze known as the Elgin, or Parthenon, Marbles.

Greece claims they were stolen by Lord Elgin in 1801, but the British Museum insists that Lord Elgin legally obtained the Marbles from Greece's then rulers, the Turkish Ottoman Empire.

Moral pressure on Britain is due to increase later this year when Greece opens the new Acropolis Museum, complete with an empty space designed to show off the marbles in Aegean light, instead of what critics call "a gloomy cellar in London's Bloomsbury district".

Story from BBC NEWS:
news.bbc.co.uk

Published: 2007/03/29 10:28:02 GMT

© BBC MMVII