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Politics : Formerly About Advanced Micro Devices -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: TimF who wrote (330879)3/29/2007 9:42:00 PM
From: Alighieri  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 1575426
 
If there is evidence why didn't your reply to "How do you know that?", mention it? And more importantly what is the evidence?

Tim, you have a exasperating ability to look at things in nitpicky theoretical terms, and seem to lack any ability to synthesize information. Has it been proven beyond a shadow of a doubt that bla bla bla...no it has not. Does the evidence suggest that bla bla bla is what happened...it sure seems to.

OK....let's leave it there.

Al
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Former Justice Department official D. Kyle Sampson testifies while members of his counsel confer, background, during a Senate Judiciary Committee hearing about the Justice Department firings of U.S. Attorneys on Capitol Hill in Washington, Thursday, March 29, 2007. (AP Photo/Gerald Herbert)
Ex-Aide Contradicts Gonzales on Firings

LARA JAKES JORDAN | AP | March 29, 2007 09:26 PM EST
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WASHINGTON — Attorney General Alberto Gonzales was briefed regularly over two years on the firings of federal prosecutors, his former top aide said Thursday, disputing Gonzales' claims he was not closely involved with the dismissals.

The testimony before the Senate Judiciary Committee by Kyle Sampson, the attorney general's former chief of staff, newly undercut Gonzales' already shaky credibility.

Gonzales and former White House counsel Harriet Miers made the final decision on whether to fire the U.S. attorneys last year, Sampson said.

"I don't think the attorney general's statement that he was not involved in any discussions of U.S. attorney removals was accurate," Sampson told the committee as it inquired into whether the dismissals were politically motivated.

"I remember discussing with him this process of asking certain U.S. attorneys to resign," Sampson said.

Sampson's testimony for the first time put Gonzales at the heart of the firings amid ever-changing Justice Department accounts of how they were planned.

Gonzales has said repeatedly that he was not closely involved in the firings and largely depended on Sampson to orchestrate them. The Justice Department maintains Gonzales was not involved in selecting which prosecutors would be asked to resign.

Sampson resigned March 12. A day later, Gonzales said he "never saw documents. We never had a discussion about where things stood" in the firings.

The White House stepped back from defending Gonzales even before Sampson finished testifying.

"I'm going to have to let the attorney general speak for himself," White House spokeswoman Dana Perino said as Sampson entered his third hour before the senators. Noting that Gonzales is not scheduled to appear publicly on Capitol Hill until an April 17 hearing in front of the same Senate panel, she added: "I agree three weeks is a long time."

Even so, President Bush "is confident that the attorney general can overcome these challenges, and he continues to have the president's support," said White House spokesman Tony Fratto.

The Justice Department said Gonzales has no plans to resign. Justice spokesman Brian Roehrkasse said Gonzales has described his involvement as "never focused on specific concerns about United States attorneys as to whether or not they should be asked to resign."

Senate Judiciary Chairman Patrick Leahy, D-Vt., indicated Gonzales' credibility had suffered from repeated attempts to explain the contradictions.

After someone changes a story several times, Leahy said, "people tend not to believe it."

Sen. Arlen Specter, R-Pa., said Gonzales "has many questions to answer." Sampson's conflicting account with Gonzales' poses "a real question as to whether he's acting in a competent way as attorney general."

A growing number of Democrats and Republicans have called for Gonzales to step down.

The stony-faced Sampson, a longtime and loyal aide to Gonzales, said other senior Justice Department officials helped to plan the firings, which the White House first suggested shortly after President Bush won a second term in 2004.

Sampson said he was never aware of any case where prosecutors were told to step down because they refused to help Republicans in local election or corruption investigations. He also said he saw little difference between dismissing prosecutors for political reasons versus performance-related ones.

"A U.S. attorney who is unsuccessful from a political perspective, either because he or she has alienated the leadership of the department in Washington or cannot work constructively with law enforcement or other governmental constituencies in the district, is unsuccessful," Sampson said.

But Sampson admitted he should have been more careful to prevent Paul McNulty, the deputy attorney general, and William Moschella, the principal associate deputy attorney general, from giving incomplete or misleading information to Congress in describing the dismissals.

Sampson himself was unable to answer many of the senators' specific questions, claiming a fuzzy memory.

At one point, he recalled considering whether U.S. Attorney Patrick Fitzgerald in Chicago should be among those dismissed. "Immediately after I did it, I regretted it," said Sampson of the 2006 conversation he said he had with Miers and her deputy, William Kelley. "I knew that it was the wrong thing to do. I knew that it was inappropriate."

Fitzgerald, who is widely regarded as one of the nation's top prosecutors, won convictions this month against former White House aide I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby in the CIA leak case. He was appointed to head the investigation on Dec. 30, 2003.

Furor over the purge has outraged lawmakers and current U.S. attorneys. With televisions throughout the Justice Department tuned to Sampson's testimony, Gonzales spent two hours trying to soothe a group of seven prosecutors he met with in Washington.

He has held similar meetings across the country and planned to attend one Friday in Boston.

Whether they have done any good is unclear, Specter said.

"U.S. attorneys across the country do not know when another shoe may drop," Specter said.

Sampson also confirmed a large White House role in planning the firings. That undercut the department's long-cherished image of acting independently in pursing crime.

He said White House political staffers working for presidential aide Karl Rove were involved closely in the plans to replace prosecutors _ as illustrated by thousands of department e-mails released to Congress.

It was Miers, he said, who initially floated the idea of firing all 93 federal prosecutors and ultimately joined Gonzales in approving them.

Sen. Ben Cardin, D-Md., asked Sampson whether he saw a "perception problem" with the timing of the firings; several of the prosecutors were investigating cases that could portray Republicans in a poor light.

"At the time, I personally did not take adequate account of the perception problem that would result," Sampson said.

Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, offered Sampson some support. Cornyn said he had seen no evidence the dismissals were "designed to impede or actually did impede a criminal investigation or prosecution."

Congress and the White House are wrangling over whether Rove, Miers and other administration officials will testify in public about their roles in the firings.

Bush has offered to make them available in private meetings; lawmakers from both parties have rejected that idea.

Specter urged White House officials to testify. But he said he was willing to compromise on some of the terms. "Let's try to come to terms here to get the information this committee needs so we can make a judgment," Specter said.

Noting questions about Rove's role in particular, Specter added: "I think we ought to hear from him candidly, sooner rather than later."

___

Associated Press writers Laurie Kellman and Deb Riechmann contributed to this report.



To: TimF who wrote (330879)3/30/2007 10:03:50 AM
From: Road Walker  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1575426
 
Not long ago, America produced 96 percent of all she consumed and was the most self-sufficient republic in history. With statesmanship and sacrifice, we can become so again. With leaders like we once had, we can chuck the empire. For what good has it done us?
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Interventions Without End? Pat Buchanan
Tue Mar 27, 3:00 AM ET

"Whatever happens in Iraq, retreat from the world is not an option," wrote Financial Times columnist Philip Stephens last weekend.

Why not? Because a world map highlighting those regions where the West's vital resources are located would exactly overlap a map highlighting those regions where state power is crumbling, disease and poverty are pandemic and violence rules.

"The implication of this is obvious," says Stephens.

"We can proudly declare ourselves isolationists, resolve to eschew 'imperialist adventures,' decry liberal interventionists such as Britain's Tony Blair and damn the neoconservatives around U.S. President George W. Bush. But, one way or another, the West cannot avoid getting involved. On this, moral impulse and hard-headed interests are as one."

We are fated to intervene forever. "The reality of interdependence of a world shrunk by globalization cannot be wished away."

Put me down as not so sure. For if America is defeated in Iraq, as we were in Southeast Asia, who will ever again intervene in the Middle East?

As Stephens writes, Europe's "eternal role" seems to be that of the "concerned bystander" to disasters anywhere. And, revisiting the 20th century, the United States did not declare war on the Kaiser's ally Turkey in 1917, despite the Armenian massacres. Nor did we did confront Stalin over genocide in the Ukraine. FDR recognized Stalin's regime as it perpetrated that holocaust. Nor did we intervene to halt Mao's slaughter and starvation of millions of Chinese.

America looked on during Pol Pot's genocide. Clinton stood aside in Rwanda. No one is calling for the 82nd Airborne to be dropped into Darfur.

No matter, says Stephens, the West cannot abide the emerging new world disorder. But, again, that begs the question: Who is going to intervene?

If Iraq and Afghanistan, despite the U.S. investment in blood and treasure, end in defeats, who does Stephens think is going to send troops to rescue imperiled "liberal democratic values"?

In his second inaugural, President Bush declared that America's national goal is now to "support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny on earth."

Are Americans still willing to support that utopian mission with blood and billions of dollars?

In a Gallup poll this year that posed the question, "Should the United States try to change a dictatorship to a democracy when it can, or should the United States stay out of other countries' affairs?" — by near five to one Americans said, "Stay out." Fifteen percent said "yes" to the Bush commitment. Sixty-nine percent said to stay out of the internal affairs of other countries.

Columnist David Broder cites a Penn, Schoen poll conducted Jan. 30 to Feb. 4. By 58 percent to 36 percent, respondents said, "It is a dangerous illusion to believe America is superior to other nations; we should not be attempting to reshape other nations in light of our values."

"By an even greater proportion — almost three to one," adds Broder, "they say the main goal of American foreign policy should be to protect the security of the United States and its allies, rather than the promotion of freedom and democracy."

By 70 percent to 27 percent, Americans agreed, "Sometimes it's better to leave a dictator in charge of a hostile country, if he is contained, rather than risk chaos that we can't control if he is brought down."

By 58 percent to 38 percent, American agreed with the statement that "if negotiating with countries that support terrorism like Iran and Syria will help protect our security interests, the U.S. should consider negotiating with them."

"Practicality trumps idealism at every turn," writes Broder.

"Idealism"? That is true only if one buys the proposition that refusing to talk to enemies and fighting unnecessary wars is idealism rather than folly. FDR and Truman talked to Stalin, Ike invited the Butcher of Budapest to Camp David, Nixon went to Beijing to talk to Mao, Reagan accepted Gorbachev's invitation to Reykjavik during the Soviet war in Afghanistan. Were all these men devoid of idealism?

Stephens believes the successors to Bush and Blair will find they have no option but to intervene to prevent the new world disorder.

Perhaps. But given the rage and revulsion Americans feel at having been stampeded into Iraq and pinioned in Baghdad, unable to stop the bleeding but unwilling to walk away in defeat, the American appetite for intervention has probably been sated for a long, long time.

U.S. global hegemony is history. Like every nation, America must now choose — between what is vital and worth fighting for, and what may be "idealistic," but is not worth a war.

Not long ago, America produced 96 percent of all she consumed and was the most self-sufficient republic in history. With statesmanship and sacrifice, we can become so again. With leaders like we once had, we can chuck the empire. For what good has it done us?