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Politics : DEMOCRATIC NIGHTMARE - 2008 CANDIDATES -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: RMF who wrote (475)4/6/2007 4:35:46 AM
From: PROLIFERead Replies (1) | Respond to of 654
 
Clinton is probably the BEST "pure politician" since LBJ.

LOL---and you think this is a GOOD quality? Actually, that should make you want to vomit and run away. Tell us...what has she done?

and I STILL want someone to tell me why Sandy Berger ruined his life by stealing archives and destroying them for the Clintons...what would those documents have told us about your dear "pure politician"?



To: RMF who wrote (475)4/7/2007 6:18:49 PM
From: Hope PraytochangeRead Replies (1) | Respond to of 654
 
2 Years After Big Speech, a Lower Key for Obama
By ADAM NAGOURNEY
COLO, Iowa, April 6 — Senator Barack Obama is not big on what he calls red-meat applause lines when he campaigns in small communities like this one, 45 miles northeast of Des Moines. He does not tell many jokes. He talks in even, measured tones, and at times is so low-key that he lulls his audiences into long, if respectful, silences.

Mr. Obama likes to recount the chapters of his unusual life: growing up in Hawaii, living overseas, community organizing in Chicago, working in the Illinois legislature, though not his years as a United States senator. He talks — more often than not in broad, general strokes — about an Obama White House that would provide health care to all, attack global warming, improve education, fix Social Security and end the war in Iraq. His campaign events end almost as an afterthought, surprising voters used to the big finishes typically served up by the presidential candidates seeking their support.

“Thank you very much everybody. Have a nice day,” Mr. Obama said pleasantly in Dakota City one afternoon, with a leisurely wave of a hand. He headed over to a table where copies of his books, brought by audience members, had been neatly laid out, awaiting the slash of his left-handed autograph.

For most Democrats, Mr. Obama is the Illinois senator who riveted the Democratic National Convention with a keynote speech that marked him as one of the most powerful speakers his party had produced in 50 years. But as Mr. Obama methodically worked his way across swaths of rural northern Iowa — his towering figure and skin color making him stand out at out diners and veteran’s homes, at high schools and community colleges — it was clear that he is not presenting himself, stylistically at least, the way he did two years ago when he gripped Democrats at the Fleet Center in Boston.

He is cerebral and easy-going, often talking over any applause that might rise up from his audience, and perhaps consciously trying to present a political style that contrasts with the more charged presences of John Edwards, the former trial lawyer and senator from North Carolina, and Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton of New York.

He rarely mentions President Bush, as he disparages the partisan quarrels of Washington, and is, at most, elliptically critical of Mr. Edwards and Mrs. Clinton when he notes that he had opposed the war in Iraq from the start; the two of them voted to authorize the war in 2002.

His audiences are rapt, if sometimes a tad restless; long periods can go by when there is not a rustle in the crowd. Yet Iowa is not the Fleet Center, and this appeal — “letting people see how I think,” as Mr. Obama put it in an interview — could clearly go a long way in drawing the support of Iowans who are turning out in huge numbers to see him in the state where the presidential voting process will start.

“He’s low-key; he speaks like a professor,” said Jim Sayer, 51, a farmer from Humboldt. “Maybe I expected more emotion. But the lower key impresses me: He seems to be at the level that we are.”

Mary Margaret Gran, a middle-school teacher who met him when he spoke to 25 Iowans eating breakfast at a tiny diner in Colo on Friday morning, summed up her view the moment Mr. Obama had moved on to the next table.

“Rock star?” Ms. Gran said, offering the description herself. “That’s the national moniker. But dazzle is not what he is about at all. He’s peaceful.”

Mr. Obama, wearing sunglasses as he sat in the back of a car that was taking him to a charter plane and then on to his home in Chicago for the Easter weekend, nodded when told what Mr. Sayer and Ms. Gran had said about him.

“I use a different style if I’m speaking to a big crowd; I can gin up folks pretty well,” he said. “But when I’m in these town hall settings, my job is not to throw them a lot of red meat. I want to give them a sense of my thought process.”

Still, the emerging style of Mr. Obama as a candidate for president, at least in a state like this with its emphasis on smaller settings, might startle those who knew him only from the speech that made him famous — a speech that is included prominently in the video sometimes used to introduce him.

Yes, there are strains of the populist call of Ross Perot. “Thousands of people across the country feel we are in this moment of time where we might be able to take our country back,” Mr. Obama said at the Algona High School cafeteria, packed with young students and their parents.

His language about community and shared sacrifice can be evocative of Mario M. Cuomo’s 1984 speech to the Democratic convention. “We have responsibilities to ourselves, but we also have mutual responsibilities, so if a child can’t read so well, that matters to us even if they are not our child,” he said at V.F.W. Post 5240 in Dakota City. Heads nodded among the people surrounding him in the theater-in-the-round layout that he prefers.

But there is also, in a historical comparison that his supporters have tended to resist, the cool intellectualism of Adlai Stevenson who, for all the loyalty he inspired among many Democrats in the 1950s — some of whom still remember him fondly — lost two presidential elections. If Mr. Obama enters the room to the sounds of “Think” by Aretha Franklin and the roar of people coming to their feet, clapping and jostling for photographs, it is only moments before the atmosphere turns from campaign rally to college seminar, when he talks, for example, about the need for a “common sense, nonideological, practical-minded, generous agenda for change in this country.”

This evolution, or more precisely this attention to Mr. Obama’s credentials as a campaigner in communities like this, comes in a week in which he has, with the report that he had nearly matched Mrs. Clinton by raising $25 million in the first quarter of presidential fund-raising, left no doubt that he had the resources and, presumably the popular support, to potentially deny her the nomination.

For Mr. Obama, his reception in Iowa has certainly changed since he came here after announcing his presidential bid in February, trailing enough reporters, press aides, advisers, family members and friends to fill a Boeing 767. Then, he was nearly suffocated at every campaign event with people craning for a look or a handshake or an autograph, or television crews shouting out a question.

This week, mostly far from the bigger cities of Iowa, there was much less press and staff, and the crowds, while still big, were manageable. Mr. Obama has developed a system for managing all the people who brought copies of his books to sign. “If you can put your name in the book and hand it to my staff after we’re done, I’ll sign them all at once,” he said.

Things have cooled off enough to permit Mr. Obama, dressed in his signature open-collared white shirt and loose-hanging black sports coat, to linger until almost the last person is gone. This more casual setting has revealed Mr. Obama to be a tactile campaigner; his bony hand grabbing elbows and hands, his long arms thrown over shoulders, drawing voters close in conversation.

And it allowed for moments like one that took place at the V.F.W. Hall in Dakota City, after almost everyone had gone. Mr. Obama was approached by a woman, her eyes wet. She spoke into his ear and began to weep, collapsing into his embrace. They stood like that for a full minute, Mr. Obama looking ashen, before she pulled away. She began crying again, Mr. Obama pulled her in for another embrace.

The woman left declining to give her name or recount their conversation. Mr. Obama said she told him what had happened to her 20-year-old son, who was serving in Iraq.

“Her son died,” he said. He paused. “What can you say? This happens to me every single place I go.”

The next day, at the rally here, Mr. Obama described the encounter for the crowd. The woman, he said, had asked if her son’s death was the result of a mistake by the government. “And I told her the service of our young men and women — the duty they show this country — that’s never a mistake,” he said.

He paused carefully as he reflected on that encounter. “It reminds you why you get into politics,” he said. “It reminds you that this isn’t a game.”



To: RMF who wrote (475)4/16/2007 8:11:57 AM
From: Hope PraytochangeRead Replies (1) | Respond to of 654
 
Donors Linked to the ratClintons Shift to ratObama
By DAVID D. KIRKPATRICK and ARON PILHOFER
WASHINGTON, April 15 — As Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton seeks to reassemble the Democratic money machine her husband built, some of its major fund-raisers have already signed on with Senator Barack Obama.

Among the biggest fund-raisers for Mr. Obama’s campaign are as many as a half-dozen former guests of the Clinton White House. At least two are close enough to the Clintons to have slept in the Lincoln bedroom.

At minimum, a dozen were major fund-raisers for President Bill Clinton. At least four worked in the administration and one, James Rubin, is a son of a former Clinton Treasury Secretary, Robert E. Rubin. About two dozen of the top Obama fund-raisers have contributed to Mrs. Clinton’s Senate campaigns or political action committee, some as recently as a few months ago.

A list of Mr. Obama’s top fund-raisers released Sunday showed the extent to which the Democratic Party establishment, once presumed to back Mrs. Clinton, has become more fragmented and drifted into her rival’s camp, lending the early stages of the Democratic primary campaign the feeling of a family feud. Some of the movement would have been inevitable given Mr. Clinton’s former dominance of the party.

The donors helped Mr. Obama, a first-term senator little known outside Illinois four years ago, best Mrs. Clinton in the first quarter of fund-raising for the Democratic primary by $5.7 million, according to reports filed Sunday with the Federal Election Commission.

But her campaign proved it still had the support of some deep pockets. About 5,100 big contributors accounted for about three quarters of the $26 million combined that she raised for the primary and general election, pulling her very slightly ahead of Mr. Obama by just $200,000 in total fund-raising for the quarter. And, with $10 million rolling over to her primary campaign from her last Senate race in New York, Mrs. Clinton was well ahead in cash in the bank.

Some former Clinton administration officials among Mr. Obama’s top fund-raisers were Reed E. Hundt, a former chairman of the Federal Communications Commission; Michael Froman and Brian Mathis of the Clinton Treasury Department; and Greg Craig, a Clinton White House lawyer.

Phil Singer, a Clinton campaign spokesman, said the drift of former supporters of Mr. and Mrs. Clinton to Mr. Obama reflected the former president’s dominance of the party during the 1990s.

“Most Democrats who were politically active in the 1990s had ties to the Clinton administration, and we are pleased to have much of their support today,” Mr. Singer said.

The first quarter financial reports, which were due at midnight Sunday, offer a glimpse into an aspect of the 2008 presidential election that sets it apart. All of the leading candidates have chosen to forgo public campaign financing in order to raise and spend private donations without any limits. Several have raised more than three times as much as any candidate did during the same period before the last election.

The leading Republicans filed their reports Friday and Saturday. Mrs. Clinton and Mr. Obama were the two top fund-raisers in either party. Mrs. Clinton raised $19.1 million for the primary, and $6.9 million for use in the general election (accessible only if she wins the nomination).

Mr. Obama raised $24.8 million for the primary and $1 million for the general election.

The primary campaign of John Edwards, the former senator from North Carolina, said in its filing that he had spent less than $3 million of the $13 million he raised in the quarter, leaving him with $10.7 million in the bank. He raised less than $1 million for the general election.

Campaign finance laws cap contributions to each phase of the race at $2,300, leading to a frantic scramble among the top contenders in each party to assemble networks of fund-raisers, bundlers, who can collect $2,300 checks from friends and associates. But dependence on such large checks can pose a risk to campaign momentum because the big donors cannot continue to give as the campaign continues.

Although Mr. Obama has sought to publicize his campaign’s emphasis on small contributions, he, too, depended heavily on a relatively small number of big checks. About 4,800 supporters gave the maximum $2,300 to his primary campaign, accounting for about $11 million, nearly half his total. About 75 of those donors gave another $2,300 to his general election fund, according to an analysis of his campaign’s filing.

On Sunday, his campaign released a list of about 130 bundlers who had each raised $50,000, for more than $6.5 million, about a quarter of his total for both races.

Mrs. Clinton, though, depended even more heavily on a relatively narrow base of wealthy and committed donors who contributed about $19 million. More than 5,100 gave about the legal limit of $2,300 to her primary campaign, contributing more than $11.7 million, nearly two thirds of her primary fund. What is more, nearly 3,000 of those who had already hit the $2,300 limit for the primary also contributed $2,300 toward her general election fund.

Mrs. Clinton’s campaign also released its own list of 84 bundlers who had each collected $100,000 or more in checks for her campaign, together accounting for at least $8.4 million.

Both campaigns emphasized their small donors. Mr. Obama’s campaign said it received contributions from 104,000 individuals and raised $6.9 million over the Internet. Mrs. Clinton’s campaign said it received money from 60,000 individuals and raised $4.2 million over the Internet.

Mrs. Clinton’s filings also suggested that she is running a relatively frugal campaign, at least by the standards of the leading Republicans or, for that matter, her Senate campaigns. Her campaign said it spent about $5 million during the quarter and ended the quarter with about $24 million to spend on the primary, including the $10 million left over from her earlier campaign.

Her campaign also reported about $1.6 million in debt, including $154,000 to her longtime media adviser Mandy Grunwald and $277,000 to Mark Penn, her principal political consultant. A spokesman said the debts were just outstanding bills still to be paid on the campaign’s normal cycle of disbursements. Harold Ickes, another top Clinton adviser, is contributing his services for free.

Mr. Obama’s campaign spent $6.6 million, ending up with $18.2 million for the primary and $190,000 in debt.

David D. Kirkpatrick reported from Washington, and Aron Pilhofer from New York. John M. Broder and Jeff Zeleny contributed reporting from Washington, and Patrick Healy from New York.