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Politics : Sioux Nation -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Rock_nj who wrote (104739)4/15/2007 9:46:27 AM
From: Travis_Bickle  Respond to of 362423
 
this seems to be the fullest account of what really happened:

msnbc.msn.com

one of the older kids should have shut the whole thing down once it started to go bad but young men don't always show the best judgment.



To: Rock_nj who wrote (104739)4/15/2007 6:23:07 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 362423
 
Record of Iraq War Lies to Air April 25 on PBS
______________________________________________________________

By David Swanson

April 14, 2007

Bill Moyers has put together an amazing 90-minute video documenting the lies that the Bush administration told to sell the Iraq War to the American public, with a special focus on how the media led the charge. I've watched an advance copy and read a transcript, and the most important thing I can say about it is: Watch PBS from 9 to 10:30 p.m. on Wednesday, April 25. Spending that 90 minutes on this will actually save you time, because you'll never watch television news again – not even on PBS, which comes in for its share of criticism.

While a great many pundits, not to mention presidents, look remarkably stupid or dishonest in the four-year-old clips included in "Buying the War," it's hard to take any spiteful pleasure in holding them to account, and not just because the killing and dying they facilitated is ongoing, but also because of what this video reveals about the mindset of members of the DC media. Moyers interviews media personalities, including Dan Rather, who clearly both understand what the media did wrong and are unable to really see it as having been wrong or avoidable.

It's great to see an American media outlet tell this story so well, but it leads one to ask: When will Congress tell it? While the Democrats were in the minority, they clamored for hearings and investigations, they pushed Resolutions of Inquiry into the White House Iraq Group and the Downing Street Minutes. Now, in the majority, they've gone largely silent. The chief exception is the House Judiciary Committee's effort to question Condoleezza Rice next week about the forged Niger documents.

But what comes out of watching this show is a powerful realization that no investigation is needed by Congress, just as no hidden information was needed for the media to get the story right in the first place. The claims that the White House made were not honest mistakes. But neither were they deceptions. They were transparent and laughably absurd falsehoods. And they were high crimes and misdemeanors.

The program opens with video of President Bush saying "Iraq is part of a war on terror. It's a country that trains terrorists, it's a country that can arm terrorists. Saddam Hussein and his weapons are a direct threat to this country."

Was that believable or did the media play along? The next shot is of a press conference at which Bush announces that he has a script telling him which reporters to call on in what order. Yet the reporters play along, raising their hands after each comment, pretending that they might be called on despite the script.

Video shows Richard Perle claiming that Saddam Hussein worked with al Qaeda and that Iraqis would greet American occupiers as liberators. Here are the Weekly Standard, the Wall Street Journal, William Safire at the New York Times, Charles Krauthammer and Jim Hoagland at the Washington Post all demanding an overthrow of Iraq's government. George Will is seen saying that Hussein "has anthrax, he loves biological weapons, he has terrorist training camps, including 747s to practice on."

But was that even plausible? Bob Simon of "60 Minutes" tells Moyers he wasn't buying it. He says he saw the idea of a connection between Hussein and al Qaeda as an absurdity: "Saddam, as most tyrants, was a total control freak. He wanted total control of his regime. Total control of the country. And to introduce a wild card like al Qaeda in any sense was just something he would not do. So I just didn't believe it for an instant."

Knight Ridder Bureau Chief John Walcott didn't buy it either. He assigned Warren Strobel and Jonathan Landay to do the reporting, and they found the Bush claims to be quite apparently false. For example, when the Iraqi National Congress (INC) fed the New York Times' Judith Miller a story through an Iraqi defector claiming that Hussein had chemical and biological weapons labs under his house, Landay noticed that the source was a Kurd, making it very unlikely he would have learned such secrets. But Landay also noticed that it was absurd to imagine someone putting a biological weapons lab under his house.

But absurd announcements were the order of the day. A video clip shows a Fox anchor saying "A former top Iraqi nuclear scientist tells Congress Iraq could build three nuclear bombs by 2005." And the most fantastic stories of all were fed to David Rose at Vanity Fair Magazine. We see a clip of him saying "The last training exercise was to blow up a full size mock up of a US destroyer in a lake in central Iraq."

Landay comments: "Or jumping into pits of fouled water and having to kill a dog with your bare teeth. I mean, this was coming from people, who are appearing in all of these stories, and sometimes their rank would change."

Forged documents from Niger could not have gotten noticed in this stew of lies. Had there been some real documents honestly showing something, that might have stood out and caught more eyes. Walcott describes the way the INC would feed the same info to the Vice President and Secretary of Defense that it fed to a reporter, and the reporter would then get the claims confirmed by calling the White House or the Pentagon. Landay adds: "And let's not forget how close these people were to this administration, which raises the question, was there coordination? I can't tell you that there was, but it sure looked like it."

Simon from 60 Minutes tells Moyers that when the White House claimed a 9-11 hijacker had met with a representative of the Iraqi government in Prague, 60 Minutes was easily able to make a few calls and find out that there was no evidence for the claim. "If we had combed Prague," he says, "and found out that there was absolutely no evidence for a meeting between Mohammad Atta and the Iraqi intelligence figure. If we knew that, you had to figure the administration knew it. And yet they were selling the connection between Al Qaeda and Saddam."

Moyers questions a number of people about their awful work, including Dan Rather, Peter Beinart, and then Chairman and CEO of CNN Walter Isaacson. And he questions Simon, who soft-pedaled the story and avoided reporting that there was no evidence.

Landay at Knight Ridder did report the facts when it counted, but not enough people paid attention. He tells Moyers that all he had to do was read the UN weapons inspectors reports online to know the White House was lying to us. When Cheney said that Hussein was close to acquiring nuclear weapons, Landay knew he was lying: "You need tens of thousands of machines called 'centrifuges' to produce highly enriched uranium for a nuclear weapon. You've got to house those in a fairly big place, and you've got to provide a huge amount of power to this facility."

Moyers also hits Tim Russert with a couple of tough questions. Russert expressed regret for not having included any skeptical voices by saying he wished his phone had rung. So, Moyers begins the next segment by saying "Bob Simon didn't wait for the phone to ring," and describing Simon's reporting. Simon says he knew the claims about aluminum tubes were false because 60 Minutes called up some scientists and researchers and asked them. Howard Kurtz of the Washington Post says that skeptical stories did not get placed on the front page because they are not "definitive."

Moyers shows brief segments of an Oprah show in which she has on only pro-war guests and silences a caller who questions some of the White House claims. Just in time for the eternal election season, Moyers includes clips of Hillary Clinton and John Kerry backing the war on the basis of Bush and Cheney's lies. But we also see clips of Robert Byrd and Ted Kennedy getting it right.

The Washington Post editorialized in favor of the war 27 times, and published in 2002 about 1,000 articles and columns on the war. But the Post gave a huge anti-war march a total of 36 words. "What got even less ink," Moyers says, "was the release of the National Intelligence Estimate." Even the misleading partial version that the media received failed to fool a careful eye.

Landay recalls: "It said that the majority of analysts believed that those tubes were for the nuclear weapons program. It turns out, though, that the majority of intelligence analysts had no background in nuclear weapons." Was Landay the only one capable of noticing this detail?

Colin Powell's UN presentation comes in for similar quick debunking. We watch a video clip of Powell complaining that Iraq has covered a test stand with a roof. But AP reporter Charles Hanley comments: "What he neglected to mention was that the inspectors were underneath watching what was going on."

Powell cited a UK paper, but it very quickly came out that the paper had been plagiarized from a college student's work found online. The British press pointed that out. The US let it slide. But anyone looking for the facts found it quickly.

Moyers' wonderful movie is marred by a single line, the next to the last sentence, in which he says: "The number of Iraqis killed, over 35,000 last year alone, is hard to pin down." A far more accurate figure could have been found very easily.



To: Rock_nj who wrote (104739)4/18/2007 2:41:12 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 362423
 
How Barack Obama shocked the political class and struck fund-raising gold by discovering a vein of affluent donors Hillary Clinton had never even heard of...

nymag.com

Money Chooses Sides

nymag.com



To: Rock_nj who wrote (104739)4/18/2007 7:26:36 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 362423
 
Trooper Driving Corzine Was Involved in Prior Accidents
______________________________________________________________

By DAVID KOCIENIEWSKI

THE NEW YORK TIMES

CAMDEN, N.J., April 18 — In the seconds before Gov. Jon S. Corzine was critically injured in an accident last Thursday, the Chevrolet Suburban he was riding in was traveling 91 miles per hour, 26 m.p.h. over the posted speed limit, according to a crash data recorder retrieved from the vehicle.

The superintendent of the state police, Col. Joseph R. Fuentes, said Tuesday that the trooper driving the vehicle, Robert J. Rasinski, had told investigators that he did not know how fast he was traveling as he led Mr. Corzine’s two-car caravan, emergency lights flashing, from an Atlantic City speech to a meeting at the governor’s mansion in Princeton.

But the recorder clocked the speed at 91 m.p.h. five seconds before the Suburban collided with a white pickup truck, and at 30 m.p.h. when it slammed into a guardrail along the shoulder of the Garden State Parkway, the police said.

The trooper has been involved in four other vehicle accidents, two while on duty, according to records of the State Police and the Department of Motor Vehicles.

Mr. Corzine, who was not wearing a seat belt, was thrown from the front passenger seat to the back, breaking his thigh bone in two places, a dozen ribs, his breastbone and collarbone and a lower vertebra. He has had three operations on his leg, and today he remained in critical condition and on a ventilator.

Colonel Fuentes said that troopers who drive the governor and other state officials are given discretion to use the emergency lights and exceed the speed limit in cases of an emergency and, because of security concerns, are advised not to let the governor’s vehicle remain “bogged down in a traffic jam.” But “if it’s a nonemergency situation, we would ask them to obey the traffic laws and the speed laws,” Colonel Fuentes said in a conference call with reporters on Tuesday afternoon.

The governor was en route to a meeting with Don Imus and members of the Rutgers women’s basketball team.

In New York State, the law allows emergency vehicles to speed if they are involved in an emergency operation, but does not extend that right to elected officials. In New York City, Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg ordered sirens and lights removed from cars belonging to 250 city officials in 2004, after one of his deputy mayors was repeatedly caught on camera in her official sedan, flashing its lights and blaring its siren to get home quickly from work.

Eugene O’Donnell, a professor of police studies at John Jay College of Criminal Justice, said that speed might be justified for a governor racing to respond to a natural disaster, but that ”an elected official trying to get a routine appointment would certainly be out of the scope of an emergency definition.”

Colonel Fuentes said he had asked the state’s accident review board to study the crash and whether additional training was required for the governor’s drivers. He has also asked the state attorney general to convene a special group to ”undertake a critical review” of the state police executive protection unit that drives state officials, including Mr. Corzine.

The results of the accident investigation contradict the original account the state police gave in the first 24 hours. Colonel Fuentes himself said Thursday night that ”speed was not a factor” in the accident. When asked Tuesday whether he now believed that speed played a role in the accident, Colonel Fuentes replied: ”What do you think?”

”Speed is always a contributing factor in any accident,” he added later. ”It goes to the heart of what damage you may have on the vehicle.”

The crash occurred at Mile Marker 43.4, about 75 miles from Drumthwacket, the governor’s mansion, at 6:15 p.m. Aides to the governor said they did not know what time the meeting at the mansion was scheduled, but the Rutgers team arrived at 7:45, and Mr. Imus before that.

The police and other state officials also originally said the accident was caused by the erratic or out-of-control movements of a red pickup truck, whose driver, Kenneth Potts of Little Egg Harbor, N.J., was identified on Saturday but not charged.

It now seems clear that Mr. Corzine’s own vehicle was responsible for the crash: the pickup trucks were pulling over to the right to make way for the speeding motorcade, and when Mr. Potts swerved left from the shoulder to avoid hitting a signpost, the white pickup swerved to avoid hitting him, but collided with the Suburban. On Tuesday, the police said that Mr. Potts and the driver of the white truck, John M. Carrino Jr. of Glenwood, N.J., had both acted appropriately.

Trooper Rasinski, who was wearing his seat belt, suffered minor injuries and was expected to return to duty when cleared by his doctors. According to records with the State Police and the Department of Motor Vehicles, the trooper has had four previous accidents, including two while on duty.

On Feb. 22, 2003, he was behind the wheel of a State Police car that slid on icy pavement and struck a guard rail in Newark, causing no injuries and a small amount of damage to the vehicle. A State Police review of that accident found that the crash could have been prevented, according to Capt. Al Della Fave, a spokesman.

Trooper Rasinski’s other on-duty accident in occurred October 2004, when he was parked and operating a radar gun in Newark and a tractor trailer struck his vehicle.

Michael Horan, a spokesman for the Department of Motor Vehicles, said that Trooper Rasinski was not issued a summons for either of these accidents or his two minor off-duty crashes, one in April 1992 the other in October 1989.

“What that typically means is you were involved, but you weren’t at fault,” Mr. Horan said.

At the trooper’s home in Point Pleasant on Tuesday night, a man who answered the door would not identify himself and said ”there is no comment at this time.”

The passenger in the backseat of the Suburban, Mr. Corzine’s aide Samantha Gordon, was also not wearing a seat belt, according to the police investigation. She walked away from the accident and has declined to discuss it with reporters.

With witness statements and the findings from the crash data recorder, the investigation on Tuesday offered the most detailed account to date of last Thursday’s events.

After the white pickup truck collided with the governor’s vehicle, Trooper Rasinski lost control of the Suburban and it careered toward the wooded center median, investigators found. As Trooper Rasinski tried to steer away from the woods, the Suburban slid clockwise from the paved roadway and shoulder, and the passenger side collided with the end of a steel guardrail. The guardrail sliced into the passenger compartment, just in front of where Mr. Corzine’s legs would have been, and narrowly missed both the governor and the trooper as the Suburban spun and came to rest with its back portion on top of the guardrail.

Although the impact was on the passenger side, the only airbag to deploy was the side curtain bag between Trooper Rasinski and the driver’s-side door, according to Capt. Al Della Fave, a State Police spokesman. It was unclear whether the passenger side airbags had been disabled.

The speed limit on New Jersey highways was raised to 65 from 55 in 1998. Governor Corzine floated the idea of lowering it last year as part of an environmental package, but quickly dropped the idea in the face of public opposition.

The police had hoped to complete the investigation early this week, but are waiting to interview Governor Corzine, who is unable to speak because he is heavily sedated and has breathing and feeding tubes in his throat.

After completing the third operation on Mr. Corzine’s leg wound on Monday, doctors said they wanted to remove the breathing tube within a day to reduce the chance that Mr. Corzine might be exposed to pneumonia or other potentially life-threatening infections.

Late Tuesday, however, Mr. Corzine’s staff said that doctors had decided not to remove the tube yet, without providing any information as to why. Anthony Coley, Mr. Corzine’s communications director, said that Mr. Corzine ”was showing improvement from a respiratory perspective” and was able to respond to doctors’ questions by nodding.

Reporting was contributed by Ken Kelson and Cara Buckley in New York, David W. Chen in Trenton, and Nate Schweber in Camden and Point Pleasant, N.J.