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To: American Spirit who wrote (74997)4/19/2007 11:22:54 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Obama closes the gap in national polls

thehill.com

The Illinois senator is benefiting from a thirst for change

timesonline.co.uk



To: American Spirit who wrote (74997)4/19/2007 11:39:14 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Early $13.1 Million Fundraising Report Looks Big Time — Unless You’re McCain

By Greg Giroux, CONGRESSIONAL QUARTERLY

April 19, 2007

A report of $13.1 million in campaign receipts in the first quarter of the election cycle is the stuff dreams are made of for most of the 2008 presidential contenders.

Yet for Arizona Republican Sen. John McCain, who reported that total, the fundraising figures for the first three months were widely reported as a setback. Even McCain pronounced himself disappointed with his early fundraising results.

The reason is that his $13.1 million take, though healthy-looking in isolation, placed him a distant third among Republican candidates, behind rivals who with McCain make up the current top tier in presidential preference polls of Republican voters: former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney and former New York City Mayor Rudolph Giuliani.

McCain — who gave eventual winner George W. Bush his stronger competition in the 2000 Republican presidential nominating contest — has financial problems beyond his lagging receipts. He also spent a greater share of his receipts than any other major candidate, according to his campaign’s filing with the Federal Election Commission (FEC) before last Sunday’s deadline.

McCain’s campaign spent $9.6 million of the $14.8 million it collected since he launched his presidential fundraising committee last November. That left McCain with $5.2 million cash on hand as April began, a relatively meager figure among the top-tier candidates. His campaign also had $1.8 million in debts.

McCain’s campaign said it is revamping its fundraising operations to adjust to the realities of modern presidential campaigns.

The good news for McCain is that his fundraising report evidences some broad appeal. McCain’s campaign collected money from individuals from all walks of life, including top executives at businesses that are household names.

This profile of McCain’s first-quarter report is the latest in a CQPolitics.com series this week that examines the fundraising activity of all Democratic and Republican presidential candidates.

Arizona Sen. John McCain

• Receipts, Jan. 1 to March 31: $13.1 million

• Receipts to date: $14.8 million

• Expenditures, Jan. 1 to March 31: $8.4 million

• Expenditures to date: $9.6 million

• Cash-on-hand, March 31: $5.2 million

• Debts, March 31: $1.8 million

Notable individual donors (who are allowed to contribute $2,300 to a candidate for a primary campaign and $2,300 for a general election campaign)

• Colleen Barrett, president of Southwest Airlines: $2,300

• Richard L. Boals, president and chief executive officer of Blue Cross Blue Shield of Arizona: $2,300

• Charles F. Dolan, chairman of Cablevision Systems Corp.: $2,100

• Georgia Frontiere, chief executive officer of the St. Louis Rams football team: $2,300

• J. Frank Harrison, chairman and chief executive officer of Coca-Cola Consolidated: $1,000

• Keno Hawker, mayor of Mesa, Ariz.: $500

• Stephen Jones, chief executive officer of the Dallas Cowboys football team: $2,300

• Herbert D. Kelleher, chairman of Southwest Airlines: $2,300

• Kirk Kerkorian, chief executive officer of Tracinda Corp.: $2,300

• Terry Lanni, chairman and chief executive officer of MGM Mirage: $2,100

• Tom Loeffler, a former House member from Texas (1979-87) and a top adviser to McCain’s presidential campaign: $2,300

• Dan Mattoon, president of Mattoon and Associates: $2,300

• Lorne Michaels, executive producer of the NBC comedy program “Saturday Night Live”: $1,000

• Doug Parker, chief executive officer of U.S. Airways: $2,300

• Richard North Patterson, novelist: $1,000

• Peter G. Peterson, senior chairman of The Blackstone Group and a former Commerce secretary to President Richard M. Nixon: $2,300

• Ed Rogers, chairman of the lobbying firm Barbour, Griffith and Rogers: $2,300

• Charles R. Schwab, chief executive officer of Charles Schwab Corp.: $2,300

• Ivan Seidenberg, chief executive officer of Verizon: $2,100

• Kevin W. Sharer, president and chief executive officer of Amgen: $2,300

• Harry Sloan, chairman and chief executive officer of Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer: $4,600

• Fred Smith, chairman, president and chief executive officer of FedEx Corporation: $2,300

• Ken Thompson, chairman, president and chief executive officer of Wachovia Corporation: $2,300

• Steve Van Andel, chairman of Alticor: $2,100

• Edward E. Whitacre Jr., chairman of the board and chief executive officer of SBC Communications Inc.: $2,300

Candidate committees and political action committees (PACs)

McCain received $295,000 in first-quarter contributions from political action committees, including some linked to House Republicans. Florida Reps. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen and Mario Diaz-Balart were among the House members who donated to McCain’s campaign from their own campaign organizations.

Former Ohio Sen. Mike DeWine (1995-2007), a McCain friend and political ally who was defeated for re-election in 2006, donated $5,000 through his political committee, Ohio’s 17 Star PAC. Former Sen. Phil Gramm (1985-2002), whom McCain endorsed for the Republican presidential nomination in 1996, also gave to McCain through Gramm’s still-open Senate campaign committee.

Another McCain ally in the Senate is Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, who gave $5,000 via his political committee, Fund for America’s Future. Richard M. Burr, who represents neighboring North Carolina in the Senate, gave $5,000 through his political committee, Next Century Fund.

Arizona officials who donated to McCain’s campaign through political committees included Jon Kyl, who holds the state’s other Senate seat, and Rick Renzi, who represents the state’s 1st Congressional District.

Notable expenditures

McCain’s campaign reported spending nearly $1.6 million on staff salaries to more than 140 individuals. Another $851,000 went to payroll taxes, and McCain’s operation also spent $440,000 on get-out-the-vote consulting to a number of firms and individuals. Other large expenses included $921,000 on postage; $645,000 on fundraising consulting; $310,000 to purchase equipment; and $307,000 for fundraising phone calls.

© 2006 Congressional Quarterly



To: American Spirit who wrote (74997)4/20/2007 1:04:50 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Pickens's New Commodity: Giuliani
____________________________________________________________

Oil Billionaire Boosts Presidential Hopeful In Texas Money Scramble

By LAURIE P. COHEN / WSJ / April 18, 2007; Page A7

T. Boone Pickens Jr. has made most of his estimated $2.5 billion fortune in the oil market over the past eight years. Now, the Texan is betting big money on a bull market in another commodity: the presidential candidacy of Rudy Giuliani.

The 78-year-old hedge-fund manager and former corporate raider says he has raised more than $500,000 for Mr. Giuliani's campaign. That makes him one of the candidate's top fund-raisers, according to people with knowledge of the campaign. He raised more than $50,000 alone from employees of his energy hedge fund, BP Capital Management LP, according to Andrew Littlefair, a business partner of Mr. Pickens. Federal election filings show that Mr. Pickens's executive assistant gave $2,100 to the campaign.

A GUSHER

• The News: Texas billionaire T. Boone Pickens Jr. emerges as a leading fund raiser for Republican presidential hopeful Rudy Giuliani.

• The Big Picture: Two of Mr. Giuliani's top campaign posts are filled by well-connected Texans with ties to Mr. Pickens and other wealthy residents of the state.

• The Upshot: Mr. Giuliani so far has raised more money in this key state than all Democratic and Republican presidential candidates.

The emergence of Mr. Pickens as a high-profile fund-raiser underscores the emphasis the Giuliani campaign is placing on Texas, as all the leading Republicans scramble for financial backing of the wealth machine that in 2000 helped send the Lone Star State's then-governor, George W. Bush, to the White House. While the Bush fund-raising apparatus is now fragmented -- and many big Bush backers are so far staying out of the race -- the New Yorker appears to be winning the fight for Texas money, at least in the early 2008 rounds.

In his campaign's first-quarter financial reports filed with the Federal Election Commission, Mr. Giuliani recorded $2.2 million of Texas donations in the first three months of the year, of his total $14.7 million take, according to an analysis of the report by PoliticalMoneyLine, a nonpartisan tracker of political contributions. Former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney -- who outraised Mr. Giuliani overall in the period with $20.8 million -- drew $1.1 million from Texas. Arizona Sen. John McCain raised $969,000 of his $12.7 million from Texas.

Besides Mr. Pickens, Mr. Giuliani has won the fund-raising support of such well-heeled Texans as Tom Hicks, a veteran private-equity manager and owner of the Texas Rangers baseball team; billionaire Sid Bass; pipeline owner Richard Kinder and his wife, Nancy; and Tilman Fertitta, the chairman of Landry's Restaurants Inc., which also owns Golden Nugget casino in Las Vegas. (The Giuliani campaign confirmed their involvement; they all declined to comment.) Houston investor James H. Lee, 40, who raised more than $100,000 for Mr. Bush's 2004 re-election, says he is working virtually full-time to raise money for Mr. Giuliani.

Mr. Giuliani's campaign chairman, Patrick Oxford, and his campaign-finance chairman, Roy W. Bailey, are both Texans and longtime Republican fund-raisers. They are also both business partners of the candidate. Mr. Oxford is managing partner of Bracewell & Giuliani LLP, the big Houston law firm that Mr. Giuliani joined as a name partner in 2005.

"Stylistically, Texans like the Giuliani swagger," says Republican political consultant Roger Stone. "He's a tough guy, and Texans like tough guys."

Other candidates have their share of wealthy Texas supporters. Mr. McCain has the backing of oil magnate Robert Mosbacher and San Antonio lawyer Tom Loeffler. Mr. Romney's Texas fund-raisers include Houston home builder Bob Perry and energy investor L.E. Simmons.

Among Democrats, Dallas trial attorney Fred Baron is raising money for former North Carolina Sen. John Edwards, while Houston lawyer Arthur Schechter, a former ambassador to the Bahamas under President Bill Clinton, and Austin lawyer Garry Mauro, the state's former land commissioner, are backing New York Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But it is Mr. Giuliani who appears to have made the most aggressive efforts in Texas. He has spent so much time there in recent months -- he attended at least a half dozen fund-raisers in the state between late January and March -- that last month he joked to a Dallas gathering: "We have so much support here, I'm going to move to Texas."

In some ways, Mr. Pickens is an unlikely Giuliani supporter. Back in the late 1980s, Mr. Giuliani made a name for himself as New York's top federal prosecutor by convicting Michael Milken, former chief junk-bond trader at now-defunct Drexel Burnham Lambert Inc., and associates of the firm. Mr. Pickens -- whose hostile-takeover battles at the time were backed by Drexel -- figures he was never far from Mr. Giuliani's sights. "Giuliani was after everyone," Mr. Pickens says, adding that he assumed the prosecutor was pursuing him, too.

Mr. Pickens says he first met Mr. Giuliani at the taping of a television show in 1987. But he didn't see him again until 2001, when, as New York City's mayor, Mr. Giuliani welcomed him to his office after Mr. Pickens made a $1 million personal donation to the Twin Towers Fund that helped families of firefighters and police officers killed in the Sept. 11, 2001, World Trade Center attack.

Impressed by Mr. Giuliani's handling of the attack, Mr. Pickens says he got to know Mr. Giuliani better over dinner at the home of Mr. Bailey in April 2005. Mr. Pickens says he asked Mr. Giuliani then whether he would consider a presidential run. "He said his business was going well and he wasn't sure," Mr. Pickens recalls.

Mr. Pickens backed President Bush in the 2004 election. Though he wasn't one of the president's major fund-raisers, he did contribute $3 million to the Swift Boat Veterans for Truth and its controversial advertising campaign attacking the Vietnam War record of Massachusetts Sen. John Kerry, the Democratic nominee.

Mr. Pickens says he and other Texans find the Brooklyn-born Mr. Giuliani's borough accent "fun," and says Mr. Giuliani "laughs right along" when Texans tease him about it.

Mr. Bailey says he brought Mr. Pickens and Mr. Hicks into the Giuliani fold. Last fall, after Mr. Hicks hosted a fund-raiser for Mr. McCain, "I went to see him and rib him about it," Mr. Bailey says. Before long, Mr. Hicks switched his allegiance, committing to Mr. Giuliani and agreeing to become Texas chairman for the campaign. (Mr. Hicks didn't return calls seeking comment.)

The former finance chairman of the Texas Republican Party, Mr. Bailey made his fortune in the insurance business, before investing in, and joining, Giuliani Partners LLC, an investment firm launched by Mr. Giuliani in 2002. Though the firm has never disclosed the size of the investment, associates say it was more than $1 million. Mr. Bailey first met Mr. Giuliani in 1999, when he made a cold call offering to head "Texans for Giuliani," a fund-raising effort for Mr. Giuliani's short-lived New York Senate campaign. Mr. Bailey, in turn, introduced Mr. Giuliani to Mr. Oxford, who later brought him into his law firm.

Last month, Mr. Pickens and his wife, Madeleine, hosted a fund-raising event for Mr. Giuliani. The California party was so successful that the couple moved it from Mrs. Pickens's home to the Del Mar Country Club in Rancho Santa Fe, which she owns.

The invite list for the party of 250 included diet entrepreneur Jenny Craig, San Diego Chargers football team owner Dean Spanos and former Reagan administration officials. Mr. Littlefair, the Pickens' business partner who co-hosted the event, says $320,000 was raised that night.



To: American Spirit who wrote (74997)4/21/2007 1:21:10 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
Running With Scissors
______________________________________________________________

By MAUREEN DOWD
Op-Ed Columnist
The New York Times
April 21, 2007

Whether or not the country is ready to elect a woman president or a black president, it’s definitely not ready for a metrosexual in chief.

In presidential politics, it’s all but impossible to put the man into manicure. Be sensitive, but not soft. Effete is never effective. Not much has changed since George H. W. Bush drove his New Hampshire campaign off the road by requesting “a splash” more coffee at a truck stop.

John Kerry sank himself by windsurfing in spandex and ordering a cheese steak in Philly with Swiss instead of Cheez Whiz.

We haven’t reached the point where we can handle a green-tea-soy-latte-drinking, self-tanning-sea-salt-mango-body-wrapping, Norah-Jones-listening, yoga-toning chief executive.

Bill Clinton sometimes flirted with metrosexuality, with Zegna ties, Christophe haircuts, Donna Karan suits and keen anima, but the heterosexual beat out the metrosexual.

Americans have revered such homely leaders as Abe Lincoln. They seem open to balding pates like Rudy’s and flattops like Jon Tester’s. They don’t want self-confidence to look like self-love.

John Edwards has reminded us that even — or especially — in the age of appearances, you must not appear to care too much about appearances.

When you spend more on a couple of haircuts than Burundi’s per capita G.D.P. , it looks so vain it makes Paul Wolfowitz’s ablutions spitting on his comb look like rugged individualism.

Following his star turn primping his hair for two minutes on a YouTube video to the tune of “I Feel Pretty,” Mr. Edwards this week had to pay back the $800 charged to his campaign for two shearings at Torrenueva Hair Designs in Beverly Hills. He seems intent on proving that he is a Breck Girl — and a Material Boy.

He did not pony up for the pricey bills from Designworks Salon in Dubuque, Iowa, or the Pink Sapphire spa in Manchester, which offers services for men that include the “Touch of Youth” facial, as well as trips “into the intriguing world of makeup.” The Edwards campaign calls makeup a legitimate expense.

Speaking of roots, my dad, a police detective who was in charge of Senate security, got haircuts at the Senate barbershop for 50 cents. He cut my three brothers’ hair and did the same for anyone else in the neighborhood who wanted a free clip job. Even now, Mr. Edwards could get his hair cut at the Senate barbershop for $21 or the Chapel Hill Barber Shop near his campaign headquarters for $16.

So it’s hard for me to understand how a guy could spend $400 without getting Bergdorf Blonde highlights. (The tabloids claim that Brad and Jen used to get matching streaks.) And don’t campaign donors get snippy about sponsoring tonsorial treats?

Someone who aspires to talk credibly about the two Americas can’t lavish on his locks what working families may spend on electricity in a year. You can’t sell earnestness while indulging in decadence.

Mr. Edwards, the son of a mill worker, moved from a $5.2 million, six-bedroom Federal mansion in Georgetown to a 28,000-square-foot behemoth in North Carolina with a basketball court, a squash court, two stages and a swimming pool.

His 25-year-old daughter, Cate, a former editorial assistant for Vanity Fair, co-founded Urbanista, an online Rolodex that dispenses advice for “hip” girls in Manhattan, offering to be a “bestie” (a best friend) and answer questions like “Where should I go to get my Marc Jacobs shoes reheeled?” and “Does anyone know the best place to get a really great haircut?” One salon the site recommends is Warren-Tricomi, where Edward Tricomi says haircuts range from $121 to $300.

The cost of grooming hair is peanuts compared with the cost of grooming an image. Hillary is paying a fortune to try to buy the secrets of likability. Her financial reports for the first three months of 2007 show debts to consulting firms of $447,000.

John McCain, who’s supposed to be giving it to us straight, has a jaw-dropping herd of consultants to tell him how to do that. Dubbed “the 2007 Full Employment Act for Campaign Consultants,” the McCain crew spent $645,000 on fund-raising consultants in the first quarter and $400,000 on political consultants in key states (four in South Carolina alone). His top political adviser, John Weaver, got more than $60,000 in just three months.

Obviously, there’s a lot of waste in political campaigns. But you don’t have to be as flinty as Mitt Romney — who has made his staff triple up at cheap hotels — to know there’s something special about throwing away money on vanity.

All the haircuts in the world may not save John Edwards from a blowout.

Copyright 2007 The New York Times Company



To: American Spirit who wrote (74997)4/24/2007 12:37:24 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
The Office of Special Counsel will investigate U.S. attorney firings and other political activities led by Karl Rove...

By Tom Hamburger
LA Times Staff Writer
April 24, 2007

WASHINGTON — Most of the time, an obscure federal investigative unit known as the Office of Special Counsel confines itself to monitoring the activities of relatively low-level government employees, stepping in with reprimands and other routine administrative actions for such offenses as discriminating against military personnel or engaging in prohibited political activities.

But the Office of Special Counsel is preparing to jump into one of the most sensitive and potentially explosive issues in Washington, launching a broad investigation into key elements of the White House political operations that for more than six years have been headed by chief strategist Karl Rove.

The new investigation, which will examine the firing of at least one U.S. attorney, missing White House e-mails, and White House efforts to keep presidential appointees attuned to Republican political priorities, could create a substantial new problem for the Bush White House.

First, the inquiry comes from inside the administration, not from Democrats in Congress. Second, unlike the splintered inquiries being pressed on Capitol Hill, it is expected to be a unified investigation covering many facets of the political operation in which Rove played a leading part.

"We will take the evidence where it leads us," Scott J. Bloch, head of the Office of Special Counsel and a presidential appointee, said in an interview Monday. "We will not leave any stone unturned."

Bloch declined to comment on who his investigators would interview, but he said the probe would be independent and uncoordinated with any other agency or government entity.

The decision by Bloch's office is the latest evidence that Rove's once-vaunted operations inside the government, which helped the GOP hold the White House and Congress for six years, now threaten to mire the administration in investigations.

The question of improper political influence over government decision-making is at the heart of the controversy over the firing of U.S. attorneys and the ongoing congressional investigation of the special e-mail system installed in the White House and other government offices by the Republican National Committee.

All administrations are political, but this White House has systematically brought electoral concerns to Cabinet agencies in a way unseen previously.

For example, Rove and his top aides met each year with presidential appointees throughout the government, using PowerPoint presentations to review polling data and describe high-priority congressional and other campaigns around the country.

Some officials have said they understood that they were expected to seek opportunities to help Republicans in these races, through federal grants, policy decisions or in other ways.

A former Interior Department official, Wayne R. Smith, who sat through briefings from Rove and his then-deputy Ken Mehlman, said that during President Bush's first term, he and other appointees were frequently briefed on political priorities.

"We were constantly being reminded about how our decisions could affect electoral results," Smith said.

"This is a big deal," Paul C. Light, a New York University expert on the executive branch, said of Bloch's plan. "It is a significant moment for the administration and Karl Rove. It speaks to the growing sense that there is a nexus at the White House that explains what's going on in these disparate investigations."

The 106-person Office of Special Counsel has never conducted such a broad and high-profile inquiry in its history. One of its primary missions has been to enforce the Hatch Act, a law enacted in 1939 to preserve the integrity of the civil service.

Bloch said the new investigation grew from two narrower inquiries his staff had begun in recent weeks.

One involved the fired U.S. attorney from New Mexico, David C. Iglesias.

The other centered on a PowerPoint presentation that a Rove aide, J. Scott Jennings, made at the General Services Administration this year.

That presentation listed recent polls and the outlook for battleground House and Senate races in 2008. After the presentation, GSA Administrator Lorita Doan encouraged agency managers to "support our candidates," according to half a dozen witnesses. Doan said she could not recall making such comments.

The Los Angeles Times has learned that similar presentations were made by other White House staff members, including Rove, to other Cabinet agencies. During such presentations, employees said they got a not-so-subtle message about helping endangered Republicans.

White House spokesman Scott M. Stanzel said the Hatch Act did not prohibit providing informational briefings to government employees.

Responding to a letter of complaint to the White House from 25 Democratic senators, Stanzel said: "It is entirely appropriate for the president's staff to provide informational briefings to appointees throughout the federal government about the political landscape in which they implement the president's policies and priorities."

However, questions have emerged about the PowerPoint presentations, including whether Doan's comments crossed the line and whether the presentations violated rules limiting political activity on federal property.

Whether legal or not, the multiple presentations revealed how widely and systematically the White House sought to deliver its list of electoral priorities.

In the course of investigating the U.S. attorney matter and the PowerPoint presentations, Democratic congressional investigators discovered e-mails written by White House personnel using accounts maintained by the Republican National Committee.

For example, they discovered that Jennings, a special assistant to the president and deputy director of political affairs in the White House, was using an e-mail with the domain name of "gwb43.com" that the RNC maintained.

That domain name showed up in e-mail communications from Jennings about how to replace U.S. Atty. H.E. "Bud" Cummins III of Arkansas to make room for Timothy Griffin, a Rove protege, in such a way as to "alleviate pressure/implication that Tim forced Bud out."

Another Jennings e-mail using the RNC account requested that department officials meet with a former New Mexico campaign advisor who wanted to "discuss the U.S. Atty situation there."

The growing controversy inspired him to act, Bloch said.

"We are acting with dispatch and trying to deal with this because people are concerned about it … and it is not a subject that should be left to endless speculation," he said.

*
latimes.com