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Politics : American Presidential Politics and foreign affairs -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: KLP who wrote (19852)5/9/2007 9:14:59 PM
From: sandintoes  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 71588
 
LOL I was just coming over to post the article..



To: KLP who wrote (19852)5/9/2007 11:57:09 PM
From: Peter Dierks  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 71588
 
The Whistleblowers' Tale
The real disgrace at the World Bank.

BY BRET STEPHENS
Tuesday, May 8, 2007 12:01 a.m. EDT

In the summer of 1997, two senior World Bank officials published an academic article under the cheerful title, "Africa on the Move: Attracting Private Capital to a Changing Continent." The authors, Jean-Louis Sarbib of France and Callisto Madavo of Zimbabwe, were responsible for the bank's work in Africa, and they took an optimistic view. "A new spirit of social and economic progress has energized much of the region," they wrote, "and gradually the rest of the world is beginning to take notice."

Among the bank's own contributions to this African Renaissance, as it was then being billed, was something called the Niger Health Sector Development Program. It had been approved by Mr. Sarbib the year before with the stated objectives of improving the quality and coverage of basic health services, expanding the population's access to generic drugs and reforming the health sector. The plan anticipated expenditures of $275 million over five years, starting with an initial grant of $40 million--big sums for a small, highly indebted and politically unstable country.

Months before the project was formally approved by the bank's board, however, doubts about its size, nature and prospective efficacy were being raised by a midlevel bank officer named Bahram Mahmoudi. An Iranian-born economist with extensive field experience in Africa, Mr. Mahmoudi had been in Niger in April 1996 on a separate project. But he had seen enough of the health program to share his misgivings about it with its manager.

Why, for instance, were most of the program funds being allocated to construction projects when the World Bank's own "assistance strategy" to Niger emphasized rural and preventive care? Why were 13 staff members--more than double the usual size--assigned to the program? Why--despite two years and nearly $1 million worth of "concept development"--had there been no adequate financial and economic analysis of the program's feasibility? Did Niger have the institutional capacity to handle such large investments? And was it appropriate for team members to be using their time in Niger to take their spouses on sightseeing tours?

None of these observations went down well with the management. Mr. Mahmoudi made himself even more of a nuisance at the bank in 1998, when he raised a flag with Messrs. Madavo and Sarbib over the dismissal, ostensibly on budgetary grounds, of a dozen employees, mostly from developing countries, and their subsequent replacement with a dozen mostly European ones. In July 1999, an independent investigation by the law firm Dewey Ballantine concluded this was not, as Mr. Mahmoudi believed, a case of racial discrimination, although it did cite "significant management problems."

Yet by the time that conclusion was reached Mr. Mahmoudi had left the bank, having ended a 20-year career with a sharp downward turn in his performance reviews and a pink slip. A review given a year prior to his criticism of the Niger program praised Mr. Mahmoudi's work in Africa for its "dynamism and perspicacity." By contrast, a review from 1997 notes that his work in Niger, "which initially received favorable comments from peer reviewers . . . was not endorsed by the management team which felt he had moved too quickly without carrying out sufficient dialogue."

Convinced he had been sacked for his whistleblowing, Mr. Mahmoudi appealed his termination to the bank's administrative tribunal. In May 2000 the tribunal agreed he had been wrongfully dismissed--albeit on procedural grounds--and ordered his reinstatement. In an extraordinary step, the bank cited presidential discretion to refuse reinstatement and instead offer compensation of 18 months salary.

Given usual bank practices, Mr. Mahmoudi was lucky to have gotten even that much. "Keep in mind that nobody is truly independent at the Word Bank," says former bank official Anthony Van Vugt. "Not the ethics officers, not the judges, not the staff association. The managers are very severe about anyone who speaks out."

The Dutch-born Mr. Van Vugt has his own bitter experience as a whistleblower. In 1995, he discovered that $100,000 had been misappropriated by his managers from a trust fund intended to finance water-sector reform in the Philippines. At his retirement that year, he submitted an audit certificate for the project making note of the misused money. Several months later he requested a copy of the certificate. "What I found," he recalls, "was a substitute statement that was signed in my name. The qualification [regarding the $100,000] that I had included in the original statement had disappeared."

Mr. Van Vugt then filed an ethics investigation. "I made the point to quite a few people that $100,000 had been used improperly, and that made people uncomfortable. Eventually, I find a piece of paper that says that Tony Van Vugt mismanaged his project and for that reason he shall be denied any future employment with the bank." The ethics investigation went nowhere.

For Mr. Van Vugt, that note foreclosed the often lucrative consulting opportunities many retired bank officials enjoy. For midcareer officials, the bank's hex can be absolutely devastating. It can make its enemies unemployable. A foreign national who loses his job can have his U.S. visa revoked. The result is a culture of conformity, silence and fear. "As soon as you're seen blowing the whistle," says Mr. Van Vugt, "your own colleagues won't even sit next to you in the cafeteria."

As for Mr. Mahmoudi, a vindication of sorts came several years later when the bank quietly released a report assessing the Niger health program. The program, on which $50 million was ultimately spent, was rated as "unsatisfactory" for bank performance, borrower performance, sustainability and "quality at entry." A comparative analysis of project performance across six regions shows that during the tenure of Messrs. Sarbib and Madavo, Africa had the highest number of projects yet the lowest likely sustainability percentage, the lowest satisfactory percentage for bank performance and the lowest satisfactory borrower performance at implementation.

Mr. Sarbib was subsequently promoted to senior vice president before retiring last year. Mr. Madavo is a visiting professor at Georgetown. Both men recently signed a public letter calling on Paul Wolfowitz to resign for damaging the bank's reputation.

Mr. Stephens is a member of The Wall Street Journal's editorial board. His column appears in the Journal Tuesdays.

opinionjournal.com



To: KLP who wrote (19852)5/10/2007 12:54:51 AM
From: Peter Dierks  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 71588
 
Britain After Blair
Who is Gordon Brown?

Thursday, May 10, 2007 12:01 a.m. EDT

Today, Tony Blair is expected to announce he will step down as Prime Minister on July 1. After more than 10 years at 10 Downing Street, he will leave behind a Britain that has bolstered its standing in Europe, solidified its role as one of America's closest allies and built London into a global financial hub. His Labour successor will be hard-pressed to do as well.

The tendency of postwar British governments has been to unravel the policies of their predecessors. Tony Blair broke with that tradition. He endorsed most of the economic reforms implemented by the Conservatives from 1979 to 1997, even proclaiming himself an heir to the Thatcher legacy. It is a measure of Mr. Blair's success that the current Tory leader, David Cameron, feels compelled to distance himself from Lady Thatcher to differentiate himself from New Labour.

Never before had Labour won three straight general elections, yet many on the British left have never been comfortable with Mr. Blair's realignment of their party. For some, his moves toward the center were a betrayal of principles. His opponents in the party and British media have tried to reassure themselves by attributing recent election defeats to the unpopular Iraq war. That might soothe their consciences. But last week's poor showing in local contests--four years after the Iraq invasion and with a Labour succession in sight--could be read more as an indictment of the party's future prospects than of its past.

In any case, we think history will judge Mr. Blair favorably on foreign policy, including Iraq. Churchill was also felled by popular ingratitude for his difficult decisions. Few seem to recall Mr. Blair's pivotal role in stopping Slobodan Milosevic's rape of the Balkans, when the rest of Europe was wringing its hands and America was still reluctant to intervene. His finest moments have come since September 11. The Prime Minister has been an eloquent and farsighted proponent of resisting radical Islam, even as much of the Free World prefers not to face up to the threat. He is, at present, the last conviction politician in Europe.

Now he is being followed by a man whose convictions remain a mystery. After a decade at Treasury, Gordon Brown will take office between general elections and most likely without facing a rival for Labour Party leadership. Yet with one foot in the door of 10 Downing for months, he has failed to explain how he would deal with foreign policy as well as such domestic issues as rising crime and Islamic extremism, immigration, health and other failing public services.

Yes, there have been press leaks. The Independent reported Tuesday that Mr. Brown plans to distinguish himself from Mr. Blair by "engaging" with Iran. But isn't that what Britain, as part of the so-far impotent EU-3, has been trying for some time? Consider how little we know about Mr. Brown's noneconomic policies compared to those of Nicolas Sarkozy, who had to argue his ideas before an engaged public to win the French presidency.

On economics at least, Chancellor Brown does have a clear record, much of it good. His early move to make the Bank of England independent and focused on inflation is a New Labour triumph. The economy has been a star in Europe, with steady growth. Yet rapidly rising public spending, fueled by increases on just about every tax but the top income rate, means the state is consuming ever-more private resources. In late March, the Treasury released long-sought documents showing that Mr. Brown raised taxes on pension plans in 1997 despite ample warning that it would leave a huge funding hole. This "pensions raid" has left an estimated £32 billion shortfall in private retirement plans, damaging Mr. Brown's image as an economic steward.

A strong Britain is vital to both Europe and America. As much as Continentals don't like to hear it, the British economy is a model for the European Union. Britain's openness has made it a winner from globalization, and along with that comes a responsibility to continue its leadership. Whether it is making the case for freer trade or keeping eurocrats focused on economic reforms rather than political projects like the failed constitution, the EU is better when the U.K. keeps a hand on the steering wheel.

London will also remain Washington's most trusted interlocutor with the Old World. For all the anti-Americanism in the British press, Britain is still spiritually closer to the U.S. than Angela Merkel's Germany or Mr. Sarkozy's France. The popular branding in Britain of Mr. Blair as President Bush's "poodle" willfully misrepresents the bipartisan esteem for the special relationship in Washington.

Thanks to Gordon Brown's reticence, no one knows how well he'll meet this challenge. He did have an excellent instructor for the past 10 years, assuming Mr. Brown was paying attention.

opinionjournal.com



To: KLP who wrote (19852)5/10/2007 5:17:16 AM
From: Neeka  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 71588
 
He is indeed an enemy of democracy and all that people strive to achieve through hard work and diligence.

A real pariah.