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To: Sully- who wrote (27321)7/6/2007 5:30:39 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Iran's Proxy War

Tehran is on the offensive against us throughout the Middle East. Will Congress respond?

BY JOSEPH LIEBERMAN

The Wall Street Journal Editorial Page
Friday, July 6, 2007 12:01 a.m. EDT

Earlier this week, the U.S. military made public new and disturbing information about the proxy war that Iran is waging against American soldiers and our allies in Iraq.

According to Brig. Gen. Kevin Bergner, the U.S. military spokesman in Baghdad, the Iranian government has been using the Lebanese terrorist group Hezbollah to train and organize Iraqi extremists, who are responsible in turn for the murder of American service members.

Gen. Bergner also revealed that the Quds Force--a special unit of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps whose mission is to finance, arm and equip foreign Islamist terrorist movements--has taken groups of up to 60 Iraqi insurgents at a time and brought them to three camps near Tehran, where they have received instruction in the use of mortars, rockets, improvised explosive devices and other deadly tools of guerrilla warfare that they use against our troops. Iran has also funded its Iraqi proxies generously, to the tune of $3 million a month.

Based on the interrogation of captured extremist leaders--including a 24-year veteran of Hezbollah, apparently dispatched to Iraq by his patrons in Tehran--Gen. Bergner also reported on Monday that the U.S. military has concluded that "the senior leadership" in Iran is aware of these terrorist activities. He said it is "hard to imagine" Ayatollah Ali Khamenei--Iran's supreme leader--does not know of them.

These latest revelations should be a painful wakeup call to the American people, and to the U.S. Congress. They also expand on a steady stream of public statements over the past six months by David Petraeus, the commanding general of our coalition in Iraq, as well as other senior American military and civilian officials about Iran's hostile and violent role in Iraq. In February, for instance, the U.S. military stated that forensic evidence has implicated Iran in the death of at least 170 U.S. soldiers.

Iran's actions in Iraq fit a larger pattern of expansionist, extremist behavior across the Middle East today. In addition to sponsoring insurgents in Iraq, Tehran is training, funding and equipping radical Islamist groups in Lebanon, Palestine and Afghanistan--where the Taliban now appear to be receiving Iranian help in their war against the government of President Hamid Karzai and its NATO defenders.

While some will no doubt claim that Iran is only attacking U.S. soldiers in Iraq because they are deployed there--and that the solution, therefore, is to withdraw them--Iran's parallel proxy attacks against moderate Palestinians, Afghans and Lebanese directly rebut such claims.

Iran is acting aggressively and consistently to undermine moderate regimes in the Middle East, establish itself as the dominant regional power and reshape the region in its own ideological image. The involvement of Hezbollah in Iraq, just revealed by Gen. Bergner, illustrates precisely how interconnected are the different threats and challenges we face in the region. The fanatical government of Iran is the common denominator that links them together.

No responsible leader in Washington desires conflict with Iran. But every leader has a responsibility to acknowledge the evidence that the U.S. military has now put before us: The Iranian government, by its actions, has all but declared war on us and our allies in the Middle East.

America now has a solemn responsibility to utilize the instruments of our national power to convince Tehran to change its behavior, including the immediate cessation of its training and equipping extremists who are killing our troops.

Most of this work must be done by our diplomats, military and intelligence operatives in the field. But Iran's increasingly brazen behavior also presents a test of our political leadership here at home. When Congress reconvenes next week, all of us who are privileged to serve there should set aside whatever partisan or ideological differences divide us to send a clear, strong and unified message to Tehran that it must stop everything it is doing to bring about the death of American service members in Iraq.

It is of course everyone's hope that diplomacy alone can achieve this goal. Iran's activities inside Iraq were the central issue raised by the U.S. ambassador to Iraq in his historic meeting with Iranian representatives in Baghdad this May. However, as Gen. Bergner said on Monday, "There does not seem to be any follow-through on the commitments that Iran has made to work with Iraq in addressing the destabilizing security issues here." The fact is, any diplomacy with Iran is more likely to be effective if it is backed by a credible threat of force--credible in the dual sense that we mean it, and the Iranians believe it.

Our objective here is deterrence. The fanatical regime in Tehran has concluded that it can use proxies to strike at us and our friends in Iraq, Afghanistan, Lebanon and Palestine without fear of retaliation. It is time to restore that fear, and to inject greater doubt into the decision-making of Iranian leaders about the risks they are now running.

I hope the new revelations about Iran's behavior will also temper the enthusiasm of some of those in Congress who are advocating the immediate withdrawal of U.S. forces from Iraq. Iran's purpose in sponsoring attacks on American soldiers, after all, is clear: It hopes to push the U.S. out of Iraq and Afghanistan, so that its proxies can then dominate these states. Tehran knows that an American retreat under fire would send an unmistakable message throughout the region that Iran is on the rise and America is on the run. That would be a disaster for the region and the U.S.

The threat posed by Iran to our soldiers' lives, our security as a nation and our allies in the Middle East is a truth that cannot be wished or waved away. It must be confronted head-on. The regime in Iran is betting that our political disunity in Washington will constrain us in responding to its attacks. For the sake of our nation's security, we must unite and prove them wrong.

Mr. Lieberman is an Independent Democratic senator from Connecticut.

opinionjournal.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27321)7/17/2007 12:30:03 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Very Bad Things in Iran

Kathryn Jean Lopez
The Corner

NYSun:

<<< WASHINGTON — One of two known Al Qaeda leadership councils meets regularly in eastern Iran, where the American intelligence community believes dozens of senior Al Qaeda leaders have reconstituted a good part of the terror conglomerate's senior leadership structure.

That is a consensus judgment from a final working draft of a new National Intelligence Estimate, titled "The Terrorist Threat to the U.S. Homeland," on the organization that attacked the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001. The estimate, which represents the opinion of America's intelligence agencies, is now finished, and unclassified conclusions will be shared today with the public. >>>

corner.nationalreview.com

nysun.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27321)7/18/2007 7:04:00 AM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Al-Qaida Menace Is In Iran, Too

By INVESTOR'S BUSINESS DAILY
Posted Tuesday, July 17, 2007 4:20 PM PT

War On Terror: That the latest U.S. intelligence outlook still sees al-Qaida as our main foe is no surprise. What is surprising is that the terrorist group seems to have found a welcome home in Iran.


According to the new National Intelligence Estimate, the U.S. remains threatened by al-Qaida's presence in Iraq, making talk of withdrawing from that country before we vanquish the threat akin to a senseless, unilateral surrender.

"Of note," says the report, "we assess that al-Qaida will probably seek to leverage contacts and capabilities of al-Qaida in Iraq, its most visible and capable affiliate and the only one known to have expressed a desire to attack the homeland.

"As a result," the report continues, "we judge that the United States currently is in a heightened threat environment."

One good thing to emerge from the report: Though we live in a "heightened threat environment" for terrorism, al-Qaida's ability to attack the U.S. has been "constrained" since 2001 thanks to global counterterrorism efforts.

This represents the best thinking of all 16 U.S. spy agencies. It is important to remember this as Democrats pull their little all-night talk-fest, trying to force a withdrawal from Iraq even as the war, thanks to the surge strategy implemented by Gen. David Petraeus, becomes ever more winnable.

But here's the bad part: Al-Qaida is, even now, trying to get its hands on weapons of mass destruction — chemical, biological and, scariest of all, nuclear.

Given this, our question to those senators who spent the evening Tuesday debating a U.S. pullout from Iraq would be: What happens if the U.S. pulls out of Iraq, and al-Qaida then gets control of that country's immense oil wealth?

And how long do you think it will take them to get a nuclear weapon — either on the still-existent black market for nukes, or from a friendly third party, or by reconstituting Saddam's old program?

The picture grows even worse when you consider that the battle against al-Qaida isn't just in Iraq or, as some Democrats would have it, Afghanistan. No, al-Qaida has found haven in the so-called tribal lands of Waziristan, Pakistan's Western frontier with Afghanistan. Worse still, it's also in Iran.

That's right: Al-Qaida leaders regularly meet in the mountains of eastern Iran, according to New York Sun columnist Eli Lake, citing a final working draft of the NIE. Iran has, in effect, made it possible for al-Qaida to function even as we hunt down its leaders in Afghanistan and Iraq. It's aiding and abetting our enemy.

Here's how it works. Al-Qaida now has two known leadership "councils" dubbed Shura Majlis. One meets in Pakistan's federally administered tribal areas, the other in Iran.

The one operating in Iran does so with the aid of Iran's Quds force, the terrorist support group that has helped both Shiite and Sunni militias in Iraq kill American soldiers and Iraqi civilians alike.

"In the past year," writes Lake, "the multinational Iraq command force has intercepted at least 10 couriers with instructions from the Iran-based Shura Majlis. In addition, two senior leaders of al-Qaida in 2006 have shared details of the Shura Majlis in Iran."

Those details include the fact that senior al-Qaida members have taken up residence in Lavizan, a military base near Tehran; Chalous, a Tehran suburb; Mashod, a Shiite holy city; and Zabul, a town near the Afghanistan border.

If true — and there's little reason to believe it isn't — this is a blockbuster revelation, adding to the already long list of reasons for taking action against Iran.

We've pledged to pursue al-Qaida to the ends of the earth — an idea that even the soft-on-security Democrats have signed off on.

Well, today it appears that al-Qaida, the group responsible for the murder of 3,000 American civilians, has found a comfortable home in Iran. Yet, the U.S. is about to embark on direct talks with Iran about its "continued behavior that is leading to further instability in Iraq," a State Department spokesman said.

We're not schooled in the delicate nuances of diplomatese. But at the very least, we'd like our envoys to look across the table and issue an ultimatum to Iran's representative: Expel al-Qaida, a group that's at war with the U.S. and the West, and hand its leaders over. Or consider yourselves at war with us.

Then pause, take a drink of the bottled water, and wait for a response.

ibdeditorials.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27321)7/22/2007 5:36:06 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Hostages then and now

Power Line

The government of Iran is holding four American citizens as alleged spies. The charges are absurd. They have roughly as much merit as the charges made by the Iranians in connection with the seizure of the American embassy and the taking of American hostages in 1979 by Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and his friends.

There is a certain continuity between Iranian policy then and now. In his column today, Mark Steyn discusses three of the American hostages being held by Iran and the silence of the American press about the holding of these American prisoners (link below).

Given the Bush administration's relative silence over the the continuing outrage committed on American citizens by our Iranian enemy, this is one opportunity to embarrass the Bush administration on which the press has taken a pass. To outward appearances, the Bush administration's approach to the situation is Carter lite.

Why is the press so uninterested in the fate of America's captives in Iran? The press does not want to do anything that might interfere with the Democrats' diplo-speak or that might arouse the American people from their slumber regarding Iran.

If there is a cetain continuity between Iranian policy in 1979 and now, there is also a certain continuity between American policy then and now. On Tuesday the State Department expressed its displeasure with the the mistreatment of two prisoners after footage of them was aired on Iranian television to promote a program to be aired later in the week. What accounts for the relative silence of the American government on a serious issue of national honor?

I am afraid that another column -- the one by David Ignatius in today's Washington Post -- indirectly supplies the answer. Based on conversations with "senior officials" of the administration, Ignatius reports that the administration is courting Iran for another conference at which we may supplicate ourselves seeking its assistance regarding Iraq.

It's all part of the administration's heavily Bakered "diplomatic push" in the Middle East. Unlike Blanche Dubois, the Bush administration hasn't always depended on the kindness of strangers in achieving its foreign policy objectives. But it appears to be taking a Blanche-like approach to Iran.

It was Blanche Dubois who observed that "a woman's charm is fifty percent illusion." It's an adage that could easily be adapted to the administration's "diplomatic push" as well, though we might have to substitute "delusion" for "illusion."

To comment on this post, go here.
plnewsforum.com

powerlineblog.com

ocregister.com

powerlineblog.com

realclearpolitics.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27321)7/23/2007 3:24:20 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Something Is About To Happen

Strategy Page

July 23, 2007: Starvation deaths in North Korea have returned to 1990s levels. That means over a thousand people a week dying from lack of food. Over a million people died during the 1990s food shortages. This time around, the shortages are caused by government refusal to allow in food that must have its distribution monitored (making it difficult for the government to divert the food to the army or private sale). The government also took its time with the current round of nuclear disarmament talks, delaying shipments of food from South Korea. These have just arrived and are being distributed.

Meanwhile, North Korea is full of rumors that leader Kim Jong Il is very sick, and has just had surgery. Kim Jong Il has not been seen much for months, but that is not unusual. But rumors about his health have been circulating, on and off, for over a year.

North Korean negotiators, as is their custom, are now demanding more. They want light water nuclear electric power reactors, and assurances from the U.S. that there will be no attack on North Korea. South Korea is so confident that North Korea is no longer a military threat (because of the economic crises up there) that they are speeding up the downsizing of the South Korean army.

North Korean tactics have not changed much over the last half century. There is lots of drama, lots of delays, and maximum effort to extort as much as they can in the negotiations. Then the cycle is repeated, endlessly. What has changed is the lack of predictable subsidies from Russia and China. Until the Cold War ended, these subsidies kept North Korea comfortably afloat. But in the early 1990s, those subsidies ended, and starvation and economic collapse ensued. Now the economy has been loosened up, and some people are making money. But many North Koreans are starving, and the government fears collapse, or a revolution. No one in the North Korean government can decide what to do. The North Koreans are trying everything, and not settling on any one strategy. The hard liners still have a police state operating, while the reformers have South Korean firms coming in and opening factories, and there are now free markets, with uncontrolled prices, throughout the country. Corruption is way up, and discipline is falling. Something is about to happen, but no one is quite sure what.


July 15, 2007: North Korea has shut down its nuclear research reactor and allowed UN inspectors to visit and confirm that.

strategypage.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27321)7/24/2007 7:57:17 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Michael Ramirez
Editorial Cartoonist for Investor's Business Daily



ibdeditorial.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27321)7/26/2007 7:35:31 AM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Dearbornistan calling

Power Line

Yesterday the FBI raided the Dearborn offices of two "charities," one of which was raising money for Hezbollah. The Treasury Department has frozen the assets of the latter organization pursuant to its designation as a terrorist supporting organization. Iran appears to be operating brazenly in Dearborn. To understand what is happening here, and what isn't happening, see Debbie Schlussel's posts (links below).

powerlineblog.com

freep.com

ustreas.gov

debbieschlussel.com

debbieschlussel.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27321)7/27/2007 2:10:45 PM
From: Sully-  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 35834
 
    [I]t may help to remember that even when viewers take a 
news source at face value, the legitimacy of its
perspective is dependent on the news it reports. If what
it reports isn't actually news, all the perspective in the
world doesn't matter.

Live from Tehran

Iran's New Cable News Network is propaganda, right?

by Louis Wittig
The Weekly Standard
07/27/2007

IMAGINE WHAT A WOLF in sheep's clothing would actually look like: a six-foot long, 170-pound killing machine prancing on the tips of its paws and choking out a guttural "baa" while the mottled-wool hide slips off its back. The image is a little more farcical than menacing.

On July 2, Iran--which powers past Libya, Syria, and Uzbekistan in Reporters Without Borders' 2006 ranking of most press-repressing governments--launched Press TV, its new fully-subsidized, 24-hour English-language news network, and achieved something of the same effect.

Anchors in Tehran read half-hourly updates on the doings of the "Zionist regime." The channel's Website (which connects to live streaming video, the easiest way to watch) includes the scoop that the recent "so called acts of terrorism" in London and Glasgow could have been British tricks to tarnish the image of Muslims.

With production values as sophisticated as its attempt at credibility--panel show guests slouch in their chairs and mumble into underpowered microphones as the ticker below crawls with headlines like "Afghan officials confirm that Germen (sic) abducted"--it's easy to snicker. And easy to be blindsided by the channel's combative claims to be as legitimate as CNN or the BBC.

Yvonne Ridley, host of Press TV panel show The Agenda, legitimizes her employer with the point that it "[gives] a different perspective to the coverage that you get from the mainstream media." Press TV's official mission statement refers to "break[ing] the media stranglehold of western outlets...[and showing] the other side of the story."

Twenty years ago this may have been all well and good. But the next question would be, Is Press TV impartial and objective? Clearly not, Press TV should be dismissed out of hand. Today--after a geometric expansion in news sources, and an interminable culture-war campaign over media bias--objectivity and impartiality are dead standards. Intelligent people no longer believe really believe in them.

Simultaneously, a host of countries have been launching government-funded, English-language satellite news channels. Al Jazeera International, France 24, Russia Today, and now Press TV are all jostling for the attention of global opinion-makers, all claiming legitimacy because they present a new perspective. Point out that these channels may be unfair in their reportage, and their defenders retort that CNN and Bloomberg and BBC are equally unfair; that their bias is merely a corrective for the other networks' bias.

Thus the quandary of distinguishing which of these channels are harmless BBC-clones and which are government mouthpieces. After all, if "perspective" is the only measure of legitimacy, what's objectively wrong with reporting Ayatollah Khameni's call for Islamic unity as the top story of the day? It is, technically, a statement by a world leader and, thus, from a certain perspective could be considered important.

Still, watch for longer than 15 minutes and a certain Twilight Zone ambiance is unshakable. Without any commercials, the channel has the uneasy emptiness of a Potemkin Village. The long spaces between updates are plugged with animations of classic Persian paintings. Two-dimensional ancients pop off gilded backgrounds and zig-zag around. It's seems PBSishly intelligent, and then quietly threatening when the camera pulls back and you see that the paintings are of Persians battling foreigners.

Without the foundation of media objectivity, all that can really be said of Press TV is that it's spooky. Being "just another perspective" shields the channel from any judgment of illegitimacy. Here it bears remembering that objectivity isn't the only standard for legitimate news. Thoroughness and topicality are also vital.

On a languorous Wednesday afternoon, Press TV runs an unremarkable report on collapsing Republican support for the Iraq war. Clips of a recent Bush speech are cut with comments from an anti-war activist and four mood-catching man-on-the-street interviews.

Oddly, this segment from Washington is much more comprehensive than any of the station's reporting from Iran. Iran-related nuggets--Iran wants to ease IAEA fears, Iran leaves door open to further U.S. talks on Iraq--crawl across the ticker. Anchors read statements from ayatollahs and generals, mostly on foreign policy. But there's next to no domestic coverage. No average Iranian citizen is ever bothered for their opinion. For a channel with a proclaimed Middle East focus, it's about as thorough as a high school student newspaper.

The same afternoon Press TV ran and re-ran a dispatch from New York on a 50-something Jewish woman who, for a few hours each week in Union Square, protests against Israel's treatment of Palestinians.

Allowing that a protest against Israel could potentially be notable, this one certainly wasn't. The woman's band of protestors counted less than 15 hardy dissidents. And they had been at it for over a decade: by the standards of a globe-spanning satellite news channel, it is an embarrassingly un-newsworthy story.

Setting aside boilerplate wire reports on mudslides in Mexico and forest fires in France, very little of what Press TV broadcasts could be considered actual news--from any perspective. And a news channel that doesn't report news is, well--propaganda? Geopolitical spin? Plaintive editorializing?

For now, the simplest answer to these questions is probably the best: Press TV broadcasts a guy in a collarless shirt telling the story the Iranian government wants us to hear. As the cost of starting a CNN knockoff continues to fall, more groups and governments that crave the sheen of influence such stations provide will start broadcasting. More precise definitions of legitimate and illegitimate news will follow.

Until then, it may help to remember that even when viewers take a news source at face value, the legitimacy of its perspective is dependent on the news it reports. If what it reports isn't actually news, all the perspective in the world doesn't matter.

Louis Wittig is a media writer in New York.

weeklystandard.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27321)8/10/2007 1:54:09 AM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
State of War

Cox & Forkum



From The New York Times: "U.S. says Iran-supplied bomb is killing more troops in Iraq".

coxandforkum.com

mercurynews.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27321)8/10/2007 2:45:23 AM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
    Iran's belligerence leaves a lot to be alarmed about. So 
does the civilized world's cavalier attitude toward the
problem.

Beating Tehran At The Oil Game

By INVESTOR'S BUSINESS DAILY
Posted Wednesday, August 08, 2007 4:20 PM PT

Middle East: More U.S. troops were killed by Iranian bombs in July than any other month since the war in Iraq began. This can't be allowed to continue.

The U.S. and the civilized world must isolate the nasty Islamofascist regime in Tehran and then crush it. It would be preferable if it were done without military intervention, but the threat of force cannot be taken off the table.

Last month, the roadside bombs from Iran, called "explosively formed penetrators," were used in 99 attacks, the New York Times reports. A third of the U.S.-led soldiers who were killed in July were victims of these weapons.

"Such bombs, which fire a semi-molten copper slug that can penetrate the armor on a Humvee and are among the deadliest weapons used against American forces, are used almost exclusively by Shiite militants," the Times says.

"American intelligence officials have presented evidence that the weapons come from the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps in Iran, although Tehran has repeatedly denied providing lethal assistance to Iraqi groups."

Those aren't the only Iranian weapons that have been shipped into Iraq to be used against Americans.

Lt. Gen. Ray Odierno, second in command in Iraq behind Gen. David Petraeus, said this week that serial numbers on 50 rocket launchers found within range of a 3rd Infantry Division base during a recent raid provide evidence that they were made in Iran.

A less recent but no less troubling concern is Iran's escalating patronage for militias in Iraq that are hostile to the U.S. and its allies.

Of course Tehran says that it has "absolutely nothing to do with" the fighting and dying in Iraq. Yet there is a long list of incidents that says the mullahs and President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad are deeply engaged in their neighboring country.

For instance, the world has been aware for some time that weapons and munitions used to kill and wound U.S. troops and their coalition allies in Iraq have Tehran's stamp on them. Iran has also twice taken British sailors and marines hostage in the Persian Gulf.

On another front, who knows when the mullahs will arrange for Hezbollah to storm into West-friendly Israel through Lebanon, or Hamas to elevate its pinprick approach toward Israel from its recently seized base in Gaza?

And lest anyone forget, Tehran is hellbent on developing nuclear weapons — another tool to bully its neighbors, destroy the Jewish state and blackmail the West. The regime has repeatedly said that it will not back down from its goal — which it insists, disingenuously, is to produce nuclear-powered electricity for the country.

Iran's belligerence leaves a lot to be alarmed about. So does the civilized world's cavalier attitude toward the problem.

Much of Europe seems resigned to having no choice but to live in a world with a nuclear-armed Islamofascist state that has dark ambitions. Why else would the EU allow European companies to invest in Iran's oil industry as they have in recent years?

As counterintuitive as it might seem, though, the oil weapon in the Middle East is actually held by the West — if it would only notice — and not Tehran.

By all accounts, Iran's oil industry is the Sick Man of the region. It is suffering from a crumbling infrastructure in need of investment.

Last year the National Academy of Sciences reported that the industry, which provides the Iranian government with 70% of its revenues, had a dire shortage of capital.

Though the world is almost desperate for crude, now is the time to choke the regime in Tehran. The West needs to focus on squeezing its capacity for funding terrorism, its nuclear weapons project, regional meddling — and its very existence.

With a little resolve, a coalition of the willing could block Iran's oil export routes. Destroying its oil industry infrastructure, another step further, is an alternative that shouldn't be taken off the table.

A global boycott of Iranian oil with no risk of bloodshed is obviously the ideal path. But the aforementioned investment by companies from the EU makes it clear that that approach would have little chance of success.

Whatever is done needs to be done soon. Iran is a festering sore, and it is showing signs that it could erupt at any time.

It will soon have nuclear weapons. To wait until then to take action would be to wait too long. It's better to jump through the open window as it's closing than to have to break it from the outside.

ibdeditorials.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27321)2/15/2008 2:47:48 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Hat tip to Dr. Sanity:



drsanity.blogspot.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27321)2/26/2008 12:42:07 AM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
U.N. Documents Say Iran Nuke Program Continues

Power Line

Earlier today in Vienna, representatives of the International Atomic Energy Agency presented documents and data to the agency's 35-nation board indicating that Iran has continued to pursue its nuclear weapons program:
    Simon Smith, Britain's ambassador to the IAEA, said 
material presented to the IAEA in Vienna came from multiple
sources and included designs for a nuclear warhead, plus
information on how it would perform and how it would fit
onto a missile.
More details:
    The material suggested there was "detailed work put into 
the designing of the warhead, studying how that warhead
would perform, how it would be detonated and how it would
be fitted to a Shahab-3 missile".
    Another diplomat said an Iranian video depicted mock-ups of
a missile re-entry vehicle. An IAEA director suggested the
component - which brings missiles back from the stratosphere
- was configured in a way that strongly suggests it was
meant to carry a nuclear warhead.

Contrary to the notoriously politicized National Intelligence Estimate released by the CIA a few months ago, the U.N. documents "[c]ertainly... went beyond 2003." They were promptly denounced as "forgeries" by Iran. Meanwhile, the U.N.'s Security Council is expected to vote on new sanctions against Iran in the immediate future.

powerlineblog.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27321)3/10/2008 10:17:42 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Oh, You Meant THOSE Engineers?

Power Line

As we noted here and, I believe, elsewhere, it has been rumored that North Korean nuclear engineers have been sent to Syria to aid that country's nuclear weapons development program. Today, diplomatic sources confirmed that North Korean engineers and "materials" have, in fact, been dispatched to Syria:

<<< North Korea admitted to sending engineers to military- related and other facilities in Syria during its recent talks with the United States over its nuclear program, diplomatic sources in New York said Friday.

The dispatch of engineers and other personnel for bilateral cooperation, including on the military front, started in around 2000, North Korea told the United States in their talks from the end of last year to January.

The North also exported materials to Syria, the sources said. >>>

North Korea denied, however, that this scientific cooperation related to nuclear weapons:

<<< Pyongyang, however, denied its involvement in Syrian nuclear development, according to the sources. >>>

Sure, that's plausible. Maybe the Syrians wanted to learn about North Korea's industry-leading flat-panel television technology. Who wants Japanese engineers when you can get access to North Korea's? Or perhaps the North Korean engineers were dieticians--human engineers, so to speak--who could teach North Korea's techniques for making each generation shorter than the preceding one, with a shorter life span, too.

Syria may not be a technological powerhouse, but the idea that it would want North Korean engineering expertise, or North Korean "materials," relating to anything other than nuclear weapons is laughable.

powerlineblog.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27321)7/6/2009 7:47:21 AM
From: Sully-1 Recommendation  Respond to of 35834
 
Clerics Defy Ayatollah

Jonah Goldberg
The Corner

This seems like an awfully big deal to me, from the NYT:

<<< The most important group of religious leaders in Iran called the disputed presidential election and the new government illegitimate on Saturday, an act of defiance against the country’s supreme leader and the most public sign of a major split in the country’s clerical establishment.

A statement by the group, the Association of Researchers and Teachers of Qum, represents a significant, if so far symbolic, setback for the government and especially the authority of the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, whose word is supposed to be final. The government has tried to paint the opposition and its top presidential candidate, Mir Hussein Moussavi, as criminals and traitors, a strategy that now becomes more difficult — if not impossible.

“This crack in the clerical establishment, and the fact they are siding with the people and Moussavi, in my view is the most historic crack in the 30 years of the Islamic republic,” said Abbas Milani, director of the Iranian Studies Program at Stanford University. “Remember, they are going against an election verified and sanctified by Khamenei.” >>>

corner.nationalreview.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27321)7/8/2009 6:36:15 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Oh No! He stole the playbook of the MSM & DNC!

    

Chip Bok from Creators Syndicate

creators.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27321)7/22/2009 3:58:33 AM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
‘Never Again’ in North Korea? Think Again

Ask yourself: What if Buchenwald were a mouse click away?

By Jonah Goldberg
National Review Online

Perhaps it would be better if we simply vowed to never again say “never again” when it comes to the sort of slaughter and institutionalized cruelty we associate with the Holocaust. Then again, taking the sting out of hypocrisy wouldn’t do much for the people of North Korea.

For decades now, we’ve known that what’s going on in North Korea is too terrible to contemplate. Even so, what once haunted us as an ill-defined and foreboding suspicion has clarified into the secure knowledge of broad and systemic evil.

A new report by the Korean Bar Association offers a horrifying portrait of the Hermit Kingdom’s mountaintop dungeons, which, notes the Washington Post’s Blaine Harden, have lasted twelve times as long as the Nazi concentration camps and twice as long as the Soviet gulag. The North Korean abattoir even survived the largely man-made famine of the 1990s, in which hundreds of thousands of people are believed to have starved to death. In the camps, guards are instructed that it is better to err on the side of rape and murder than on the side of mercy or kindness.

Because North Korea’s founding dictator, Kim Il Sung, declared, “Enemies of class, whoever they are, their seed must be eliminated through three generations,” even the grandchildren of “traitors” can be sentenced to a life of hard labor and slow death from exhaustion and malnutrition.

Samantha Power, an Obama administration National Security Council official, wrote a moving book about America’s inability or unwillingness to stop genocidal slaughter. In A Problem From Hell, Power surveyed the cumulative horrors of the 1990s — in Bosnia and Rwanda — and was forced to ask, “Did ‘never again’ simply mean ‘never again will Germans kill Jews in Europe between 1939 and 1945’?”

If the answer to Power’s sardonic question is yes, then America and the West should be proud of their record. If we mean that when faced in our own time with the reality of such organized evil we will heed the “never again” lesson, then we have a lot to be ashamed of.

In his recent visit to Buchenwald, the Nazi death camp, President Obama insisted that we must “bear witness” to the evil of the Holocaust. Such platitudes are the stuff of every president and potentate who visits such places. And that’s fine. It’s what we are supposed to say. But we are also supposed to mean it. After all, it’s easy to say we must bear witness to things that have already happened and promise to “never forget” the sins of others and our own good deeds.

But what of things figuratively happening under our noses and literally transpiring a click away on our computer screens? You can see the slave camps in North Korea — not quite live via satellite, but close enough — where the machinery of suffering chugs along 24 hours a day, seven days a week.

Ask yourself: What if Buchenwald were a mouse click away?

Our collective, bipartisan failure to deal with the human suffering in North Korea is chalked up to the fact that Kim Jong Il’s nuclear program is a far more pressing concern than is the brutalization and murder of North Korean citizens.

That is hardly a trivial argument. But it’s looking less compelling every day. Republican and Democratic presidents alike have failed to disarm North Korea because it does not wish to be disarmed; it is a true extortion regime. Its existence is owed entirely to the fact that it has mastered geopolitical blackmail. In exchange for promises to do things it will never do, we give it aid along with as many second chances as it can carry.

Meanwhile, North Korean nuclear brinkmanship and ballistic saber rattling guarantee that outside governments will not exert an ounce of effort on the ongoing humanitarian crisis. “Talking to them about the camps is something that has not been possible,” David Straub, a senior State Department official under presidents George W. Bush and Clinton, told the Post. “They go nuts when you talk about it.” And so, we pretend it’s not happening.

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton compared North Korea to “small children and unruly teenagers . . . demanding attention.” She says we shouldn’t give them the attention — “They don’t deserve it; they are acting out.”

Seen through the window of nuclear diplomacy, Clinton’s neo-Bushian stance is entirely defensible. Seen through a moral prism, it’s at worst a horror and at best a profound failure to bear witness.

There are no easy or risk-free solutions. But maybe a good place to start would be for the U.S. government to act as if “never again” meant something — when it matters.

— Jonah Goldberg is editor-at-large of National Review Online and the author of Liberal Fascism: The Secret History of the American Left from Mussolini to the Politics of Meaning.
© 2009 Tribune Media Services, Inc.

article.nationalreview.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27321)9/26/2009 3:07:57 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
The Disarmament Illusion

Obama pursues arms control treaties; Iran builds the bomb.

The Wall Street Journal

President Obama appreciates "teachable moments," so let's all discuss this week's lesson in arms control theory and practice.

The President brought his soaring sermon about "a world without [nuclear] weapons" before the U.N. General Assembly. He called for a new arms control treaty and won Security Council support for a vague resolution on proliferation. On cue yesterday, Iran showed the world what determined rogues think about such treaties. On the evidence of his Presidency so far, Mr. Obama will not let that reality interfere with his disarmament dreams.

The disclosure that Iran has a second facility to make bomb-grade fuel, the latest of many Tehran deceptions, isn't exactly surprising. Administration officials say U.S. intelligence has known about the secret underground plant near the city of Qom for years.
Iran sought other hidden sites after the Natanz facility was discovered in 2002, and now officials say they suspect there are other facilities too.

The U.S., France and the U.K. yesterday presented detailed evidence about the plant to the International Atomic Energy Agency. They acted after Iran got wind of the U.S. intelligence and sought to pre-empt possible consequences by informing the supposed nuclear watchdog in Vienna about what Tehran called a "pilot plant" for civilian use.

It's not clear why the mullahs even bothered to make that effort. The past decade of international efforts to monitor, control and sanction the Iranian nuclear program is a story of fecklessness. Iran's nuclear weapon efforts started many years ago, but it was exposed by an Iranian opposition group in exile, not by IAEA inspectors who've been allowed in the country since 1992. Despite this violation of Iran's treaty commitments, the world community has since done nothing to punish, much less stop, Iran's nuclear program.

What's changed now? Standing together before the G-20 summit in Pittsburgh yesterday, Mr. Obama and the French and British leaders put on their game faces, calling for Iran to immediately admit IAEA inspectors. New deadlines were mentioned—talks with Tehran starting October 1, tougher sanctions by December, and so on. "Everything," said France's Nicolas Sarkozy, "must be put on the table now."

At least the French President tried to sound tough, which isn't hard when you stand next to Mr. Obama.
The American said Iran will "be held accountable" but watered this down with extended remarks on Iran's "right to peaceful nuclear power," as if the mullahs, sitting on the world's second-largest natural gas and third-largest oil reserves, have any need for peaceful atomic energy.

The Iranians have heard it all before, waltzing along in talks with the "E-3" and now the "P-5-plus-1" (the Security Council permanent members and Germany), all the while ignoring Security Council resolutions and its commitments as a signatory to the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty.

Let's also not forget the boost Iran got in late 2007, when a U.S. national intelligence estimate concluded that Iran had stopped its nuclear weapons program in 2003 and kept it frozen. The U.S. spy agencies reached this dubious conclusion while apparently knowing about the site near Qom. The intelligence finding stole whatever urgency existed for the Bush Administration to act against Iran, militarily or otherwise, which perhaps was the intended goal. The Iranians got more time and cover.

In an interview with Time magazine this week, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad didn't sound overly concerned, saying that if the U.S. mentioned the previously secret facility, it "simply adds to the list of issues to which the United States owes the Iranian nation an apology over." Following the violent protests this summer in response to Iran's fraudulent presidential elections, Mr. Ahmadinejad has kept power but looks both weaker and more ruthless. He makes explicit threats against Israel and he engaged in more Holocaust denial at the U.N. this week.

Meantime, the U.S. and its allies dream. Mr. Obama used his global forum this week not to rally the world to stop today's nuclear rogues but to offer lovely visions of disarmament in some distant future. In the bitter decades of the Cold War, we learned the hard way that the only countries that abide by disarmament treaties are those that want to be disarmed. It's becoming increasingly, and dangerously, obvious that Mr. Obama wasn't paying attention.

Printed in The Wall Street Journal, page A14

online.wsj.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27321)9/26/2009 4:15:39 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Iran Lied, Our Government Knew It, and Pretended Otherwise

By: Jim Geraghty
The Campaign Spot

Wow. Since January
, we've sought re-engagement with Iran, soft-pedaled criticism of a brutal crackdown of Iranian civilians, and scuttled missile defense...

... and now we learn that they've been hiding a second nuclear facility the whole time, and that the U.S. government and its allies have known about this facility for a number of years, and we've pretended, in pursuing this re-engagement, that they could be trusted. And for months, we've made outreach after outreach, all aimed at establishing a relationship of trust with a government that lied to us, and continues to lie to us.

Way to go, Mr. President. Although I guess the Iranians' disinterest in the embassy Fourth of July parties makes more sense now, huh?


campaignspot.nationalreview.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27321)9/26/2009 4:45:36 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Seven Things to Note on Iran

By: NRO Staff
The Corner

What a shock: Iran has another undeclared nuclear facility that is likely supporting a nuclear weapons program!

Yes, that’s right; press reports indicate that earlier this week Iran finally got around to notifying the U.N.’s International Atomic Energy Agency of a previously-undisclosed nuclear-enrichment facility, located on a military base near the city of Qom.

There are several things that should be noted about this disturbing development based on what we know this morning:

1. An additional enrichment facility allows Iran to make more enriched uranium faster.

2. If this facility is up and running, this means that previous estimates on when Iran could achieve a nuclear weapons breakout are now inaccurate.

3. Basically: A nuclear Iran is closer than we thought it was yesterday.

4. This is another violation of Iran’s obligation under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, which requires all members to declare all nuclear facilities and allow inspection. (Of course, Iran violated the NPT for some 20 years by not disclosing its nuclear program until it was exposed in 2003.)

5. It’s also very troubling that a supposed-civilian facility is located on a military base. It will be hard for Iran to explain this one, but they will try.

6. The Iran problem is getting worse -- not better.

7. It’s high-time the Obama administration do something concrete about it beyond pinning their hopes on upcoming talks, which will likely result in no changes to the Iranian nuclear program.

— Peter Brookes, a Heritage Foundation senior fellow, is a former CIA officer.

corner.nationalreview.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27321)9/26/2009 4:57:13 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Do We Ever Learn?

By: NRO Staff
The Corner

What more do we need to know about Iran's projects and plans? I have visions of our political leaders climbing from the rubble of the nuclear blast, brightly aglow, riffling with radioactive hands through the latest report they are about to discuss, revising yet again their estimate of when Iran will get the bomb, and whether to consider fresh measures -- after, of course, another round of talks.

corner.nationalreview.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27321)10/2/2009 8:03:46 AM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Obama foreign policy: Means more important than ends

Betsy's Page

Charles Krauthammer so nails the unseriousness of the Obama foreign policy. They're so prideful on their un-Bushness that they are missing, or ignoring, how all the nice theatrics of Obama's appearance at the United Nations reaped us nothing. As Krauthammer points out, Sarkozy of France is demonstrating a stronger and tougher approach than the Obama's policies. President Obama was so intent on his photo-op appearance speaking at the United Nations that he didn't want to detract from his message on disarmament by talking the actual countries who are achieving nuclear weapons and threatening to use them.

<<< Confusing ends and means, the Obama administration strives mightily for shows of allied unity, good feeling and pious concern about Iran's nuclear program -- whereas the real objective is stopping that program. This feel-good posturing is worse than useless, because all the time spent achieving gestures is precious time granted Iran to finish its race to acquire the bomb.

Don't take it from me. Take it from Sarkozy, who could not conceal his astonishment at Obama's naivete. On Sept. 24, Obama ostentatiously presided over the Security Council. With 14 heads of state (or government) at the table, with an American president at the chair for the first time ever, with every news camera in the world trained on the meeting, it would garner unprecedented worldwide attention.

Unknown to the world, Obama had in his pocket explosive revelations about an illegal uranium enrichment facility that the Iranians had been hiding near Qom. The French and the British were urging him to use this most dramatic of settings to stun the world with the revelation and to call for immediate action.

Obama refused.
Not only did he say nothing about it, but, reports Le Monde, Sarkozy was forced to scrap the Qom section of his speech. Obama held the news until a day later -- in Pittsburgh. I've got nothing against Pittsburgh (site of the G-20 summit), but a stacked-with-world-leaders Security Council chamber it is not.

Why forgo the opportunity? Because Obama wanted the Security Council meeting to be about his own dream of a nuclear-free world.
The president, reports the New York Times citing "White House officials," did not want to "dilute" his disarmament resolution "by diverting to Iran."

Diversion? It's the most serious security issue in the world. A diversion from what? From a worthless U.N. disarmament resolution?

Yes. And from Obama's star turn as planetary visionary: "The administration told the French," reports the Wall Street Journal, "that it didn't want to 'spoil the image of success' for Mr. Obama's debut at the U.N." >>>


But in Obama's view, talking about disarmament is even more important than actually engaging the feckless United Nations in an honest discussion of what Iran has been doing. He'd rather engage in the illusion of discussions than confront the reality that we can't trust anything that Iran promises to do.

Look at what he got for his spurning of our allies, Poland and the Czech Republic, on the missile defense - empty words from Russia.

<<< Just how low we've sunk was demonstrated by the Obama administration's satisfaction when Russia's president said of Iran, after meeting President Obama at the United Nations, that "sanctions are seldom productive, but they are sometimes inevitable."

You see? The Obama magic. Engagement works. Russia is on board. Except that, as The Post inconveniently pointed out, President Dmitry Medvedev said the same thing a week earlier, and the real power in Russia, Vladimir Putin, had changed not at all in his opposition to additional sanctions. And just to make things clear, when Iran then brazenly test-fired offensive missiles, Russia reacted by declaring that this newest provocation did not warrant the imposition of tougher sanctions.

Do the tally. In return for selling out Poland and the Czech Republic by unilaterally abrogating a missile-defense security arrangement that Russia had demanded be abrogated, we get from Russia . . . what? An oblique hint, of possible support, for unspecified sanctions, grudgingly offered and of dubious authority -- and, in any case, leading nowhere because the Chinese have remained resolute against any Security Council sanctions. >>>


But we engaged in discussions and our president wasn't George W. Bush. And in Obamaworld, that counts for a success.

betsyspage.blogspot.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27321)10/2/2009 8:20:41 AM
From: Sully-1 Recommendation  Respond to of 35834
 
Now that's Transparent!

    

Day by Day Cartoon by Chris Muir

daybydaycartoon.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27321)2/17/2010 1:24:12 AM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Ahmadinejad: West Will 'Regret' Sanctions

By: Daniel Foster
The Corner

Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad reportedly told a state television that the regime would react strongly to a new round of economic sanctions over the issue of uranium enrichment:

<<< "If anybody seeks to create problems for Iran, our response will not be like before," the Iranian president told a press conference in the capital, Tehran, on Tuesday. "Something will be done in response that will make them regret it." >>>


corner.nationalreview.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27321)2/18/2010 3:06:53 AM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
AHMADINEJAD: 'YEP, I'M NUCLEAR!'

ANN COULTER
February 17, 2010

The only man causing President Obama more headaches than Joe Biden these days is Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (who, coincidentally, was right after Biden on Obama's short-list for V.P.).

Despite Obama's personal magnetism, the Iranian president persists in moving like gangbusters to build nuclear weapons, leading to Ahmadinejad's announcement last week that Iran is now a "nuclear state."

Gee, that's weird -- because I remember being told in December 2007 that all 16 U.S. intelligence agencies had concluded that Iran had ceased nuclear weapons development as of 2003.

At the time of that leak, many of us recalled that the U.S. has the worst intelligence-gathering operations in the world. The Czechs, the French, the Italians -- even the Iraqis (who were trained by the Soviets) -- all have better intelligence.

Burkina Faso has better intelligence -- and their director of intelligence is a witch doctor. The marketing division of Wal-Mart has more reliable intel than the U.S. government does.

After Watergate, the off-the-charts left-wing Congress gleefully set about dismantling this nation's intelligence operations on the theory that Watergate never would have happened if only there had been no CIA.

Ron Dellums, a typical Democrat of the time, who -- amazingly -- was a member of the House Select Committee on Intelligence and chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, famously declared in 1975: "We should totally dismantle every intelligence agency in this country piece by piece, brick by brick, nail by nail."

And so they did.

So now, our "spies" are prohibited from spying.
The only job of a CIA officer these days is to read foreign newspapers and leak classified information to The New York Times. It's like a secret society of newspaper readers. The reason no one at the CIA saw 9/11 coming was that there wasn't anything about it in the Islamabad Post.

(On the plus side, at least we haven't had another break-in at the Watergate.)

CIA agents can't spy because that might require them to break laws in foreign countries. They are perfectly willing to break U.S. laws to leak to The New York Times, but not in order to acquire valuable intelligence.

So it was curious that after months of warnings from the Bush administration in 2007 that Iran was pursuing a nuclear weapons program, a National Intelligence Estimate on Iran was leaked, concluding that Iran had ceased its nuclear weapons program years earlier.

Republicans outside of the administration went ballistic over the suspicious timing and content of the Iran-Is-Peachy report. Even The New York Times, of all places, ran a column by two outside experts on Iran's nuclear programs that ridiculed the NIE's conclusion.

Gary Milhollin of the Wisconsin Project on Nuclear Arms Control and Valerie Lincy of Iranwatch.org cited Iran's operation of 3,000 gas centrifuges at its plant at Natanz, as well as a heavy-water reactor being built at Arak, neither of which had any peaceful energy purpose. (If only there were something plentiful in Iran that could be used for energy!)

Weirdly, our intelligence agencies missed those nuclear operations. They were too busy reading an article in the Tehran Tattler, "Iran Now Loves Israel."

Ahmadinejad was ecstatic, calling the NIE report "a declaration of the Iranian people's victory against the great powers."

The only people more triumphant than Ahmadinejad about the absurd conclusion of our vaunted "intelligence" agencies were liberals.

In Time magazine, Joe Klein gloated that the Iran report "appeared to shatter the last shreds of credibility of the White House's bomb-Iran brigade -- and especially that of Vice President Dick Cheney."

Liberal columnist Bill Press said, "No matter how badly Bush and Cheney wanted to carpet-bomb Iran, it's clear now that doing so would have been a tragic mistake."

Naturally, the most hysterical response came from MSNBC's Keith Olbermann. After donning his mother's housecoat, undergarments and fuzzy slippers, Keith brandished the NIE report, night after night, demanding that Bush apologize to the Iranians.

"Having accused Iran of doing something it had stopped doing more than four years ago," Olbermann thundered, "instead of apologizing or giving a diplomatic response of any kind, this president of the United States chuckled."

Olbermann ferociously defended innocent-as-a-lamb Mahmoud from aspersions cast by the Bush administration, asking: "Could Mr. Bush make it any more of a mess ... in response to Iran's anger at being in some respects, at least, either overrated or smeared, his response officially chuckling, how is that going to help anything?"

Bush had "smeared" Iran!

Olbermann's Ed McMahon, the ever-obliging Howard Fineman of Newsweek, agreed, saying that the leaked intelligence showed that Bush "has zero credibility."

Olbermann's even creepier sidekick, androgynous Newsweek reporter Richard Wolffe, also agreed, saying American credibility "has suffered another serious blow."

Poor Iran!

Olbermann's most macho guest, Rachel Maddow, demanded to know -- with delightful originality -- "what the president knew and when he knew it." This was on account of Bush's having disparaged the good name of a messianic, Holocaust-denying nutcase, despite the existence of a cheery report on Iran produced by our useless intelligence agencies.

Olbermann, who knows everything that's on the Daily Kos and nothing else, called those who doubted the NIE report "liars" and repeatedly demanded an investigation into when Bush knew about the NIE's laughable report.

Even if you weren't aware that the U.S. has the worst intelligence in the world, and even if you didn't notice that the leak was timed perfectly to embarrass Bush, wouldn't any normal person be suspicious of a report concluding Ahmadinejad was behaving like a prince?

Not liberals. Our intelligence agencies concluded Iran had suspended its nuclear program in 2003, so Bush owed Ahmadinejad an apology.

Feb. 11, 2010: Ahmadinejad announces that Iran is now a nuclear power.

Thanks, liberals!


anncoulter.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27321)2/19/2010 10:07:36 AM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
This is mind boggling;

"IAEA Draft Report: Iran May Be Working on Nuclear Warhead"

That is the equivalent of Hollywood posting a headline saying;

"The Three Stooges may be a trio of comedians"

Sheesh!

corner.nationalreview.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27321)5/26/2010 2:53:00 AM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Korean Conundrum

By: The Editors
National Review Online

Discussing United States policy toward North Korea can seem exhaustingly futile. There are no “good” options, and the North’s behavior appears utterly intractable; yet because of its magnitude, the threat from Pyongyang demands our constant attention.

That threat was thrown into stark relief on March 26, when a North Korean torpedo slammed into South Korea’s Cheonan warship, killing 46 servicemen. It is surely Pyongyang’s most spectacular atrocity since the 1987 terrorist bombing of Korean Air Flight 858, which left 115 dead. The proof of North Korea’s culpability is now overwhelming; indeed, the North’s repeated denials would be comical if the act itself were not so appalling.

In response, the U.S. and South Korean governments have planned joint military exercises, and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton is working to build support for a fresh round of global sanctions on the Communist regime. We don’t expect new sanctions to topple the dictatorship, nor do we expect them dramatically to alter North Korea’s conduct. However, tightening our grip on Pyongyang’s finances would bolster U.S. leverage at a critical moment in Korean history, with 69-year-old Kim Jong Il in deteriorating health (it is believed he suffered a stroke in 2008) and a shaky leadership transition already under way.

Sinking the Cheonan was a heinous act, and also a desperate one, carried out by a regime that urgently needs hard currency to mitigate a severe domestic economic crisis. Now is the time to do everything possible to choke Pyongyang’s cash flows. Of course, passing a robust Security Council measure will be impossible without gaining Chinese support, and Beijing’s North Korea policy continues to be guided by its twin fears of (1) a massive refugee disaster and (2) a unified, pro-American democracy on the Korean peninsula.

If the Obama administration is unable to win Chinese backing for an aggressive Security Council resolution, U.S. officials should re-freeze North Korean assets at Banco Delta Asia (assets that were originally frozen in 2005 but then released as part of a 2007 nuclear-disarmament accord) and also target specific North Korean entities. Meanwhile, the United States should re-list North Korea as a state sponsor of terrorism. Removing Pyongyang from the State Department blacklist was a premature decision in 2008, given that Pyongyang still refuses to account for the untold number of Japanese citizens it abducted during the 1970s and 1980s. Today, the decision seems embarrassing. The Cheonan incident was nothing short of a terroristic massacre; moreover, there is strong evidence that North Korea has been selling weapons to Hezbollah, Hamas, Iran, and Syria.

We don’t have a silver bullet to topple the North Korean dictatorship and should not expect sanctions or moral pressure to trigger a velvet revolution. But the steps outlined above would weaken Pyongyang and boost America’s Asian alliances, while providing incentives for a post-Kim regime to seek rapprochement with its democratic neighbors. Democrats on Capitol Hill could do their part to affirm U.S. solidarity with South Korea by approving the bilateral free-trade deal that was signed in June 2007 and has effectively been held hostage by the United Auto Workers ever since.

We must remember that the key foreign player in the North Korean saga is China, which has long subsidized the Hermit Kingdom with food and fuel aid. The coming weeks will tell us whether the Cheonan incident has finally spurred Beijing to rethink its approach. As a former U.S. Asia hand puts it, “This is a defining moment for China’s foreign policy.” It’s also a defining moment for the Obama administration, which now has an opportunity to avoid the mistakes of its predecessor and embrace a Korea strategy that is tough, forward-looking, and realistic.


.



To: Sully- who wrote (27321)6/10/2010 7:35:07 AM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
The U.N.'s Iran Dead End

By: The Editors
National Review Online

The latest round of U.N. sanctions against Iran will not stop that nation’s rulers from acquiring a nuclear arsenal. It could in fact help them acquire one. That is the likely outcome if President Obama does not revise his Iran policy.

The resolution, approved yesterday, achieved the following.
Forty persons associated with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the fanatical entity that oversees Iran’s nuclear program and is a power base for Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and Ayatollah Khamenei, had been targeted by previous sanctions; they, and a new 41st, will now face a travel ban and asset freeze. U.N. member states will be required to inspect planes and ships going to or coming from Iran if they suspect that these vessels contain banned cargo (yet the resolution provides no authorization for the forcible boarding of such vessels). Iran will not be allowed to invest -- in any country -- in uranium mines, enrichment plants, or similar facilities. And there will be a ban on the sale of many types of weapons systems, including any ballistic missiles capable of delivering a nuclear payload, to Iran.

This is all to the good, but it is a highly limited good. Most of the measures are little more than modest escalations of earlier sanctions resolutions, of which there have been three. These failed utterly to modify the Iranian state’s conduct; rather, the mullahs doubled down, ever adding to their number of centrifuges. They are now enriching uranium to a level of 20 percent purity -- lower than the 90 percent needed to manufacture an atomic warhead, but 90 percent is by no means beyond their powers. The consensus is that if Iran enriched its existing stockpile to this level, it would have enough fissile material for two bombs. It has obtained plans for a warhead and experimented with warhead design.

The United States had sought a tougher sanctions resolution, one that targeted Iran’s banking sector, oil exports, and gasoline imports
(Iran imports gas because it lacks sufficient infrastructure to meet its refining needs, although, fearing sanctions, it is correcting the problem). But Russia and China -- especially China, now Iran’s largest trading partner -- objected to these proposals. Their negotiating position has always been that sanctions must be narrowly focused on Iran’s nuclear program, and must not interfere with its everyday trade and economy.

Securing Russian and Chinese agreement even to the latest watered-down resolution took months of delicate negotiations, and this alone should reveal the limits of the sanctions approach. It is true, and helpful, that the resolution provides cover for states to take unilateral action against Iran. Our own efforts in this sphere proceed. A bill that would target, among other things, Iran’s gasoline imports is currently in conference and will soon reach President Obama’s desk. Independently, Stuart Levey, under secretary of the Treasury for terrorism and financial intelligence, has persuaded many foreign companies and financial institutions to have no dealings with various Iranian banks. He should redouble these efforts, even targeting Iran’s central bank: The U.N. resolution speaks of the need for “vigilance” in dealing with it, and while this language does not bind member states to take any particular action, it may help them acquiesce to U.S. pressure.

What is to be hoped is that such efforts, combined with a sign from the United States that its patience is exhausted, will succeed where the former U.N. resolutions have failed. This hope is not especially realistic. It is undermined not only by a history of Iranian intransigence, but by the reality that many nations think it serves their economic or geostrategic interests to befriend Tehran. (See here, most recently, the strange and unsuccessful efforts of Turkey and Brazil to broker a deal by which Iran’s uranium would be sent to Turkey for enrichment and then returned.) That said, the exhausting of the sanctions effort is both a necessary precondition of the military option that Obama is not likely to contemplate and a diplomatic tool in its own right: If it is made clear that the sanctions effort fast approaches its terminus, the stakes for Iran instantly become higher.

So Obama should make it clear. The greatest danger now is a continuation of the status quo, in which the “international community” passes a round of not-very-serious sanctions, Iran rebuffs them and charges ahead on its nuclear program, and the diplomats then threaten it with more of the lackluster same. What is dangerous about this situation is that it simultaneously buys time for Iran and dissipates the feeling that a crisis requiring urgent action is upon us. Obama has spoken as though direct talks with Iran were a goal in and of themselves -- rather than one of several possible means to the real goal, which is Iran’s compliance with its obligations under the Non-Proliferation Treaty. If this latter is something to which Obama is indeed committed, he should signal unambiguously that we are at the end of the U.N. road, and that what lies beyond it is up to Iran.

But he is not that kind of president.



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To: Sully- who wrote (27321)6/11/2010 8:38:28 AM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
The Myth of Iran's 'Isolation'

By: Charles Krauthammer
National Review Online

In announcing the passage of a U.N. Security Council resolution imposing sanctions on Iran, President Obama stressed not once but twice Iran’s increasing “isolation” from the world. This claim is not surprising considering that after 16 months of an “extended hand” policy, in response to which Iran actually accelerated its nuclear program -- more centrifuges, more enrichment sites, higher enrichment levels -- Iranian “isolation” is about the only achievement to which the administration can even plausibly lay claim.

“Isolation” may have failed to deflect Iran’s nuclear ambitions, but it does enjoy incessant repetition by the administration.

For example, in his State of the Union address, President Obama declared that “the Islamic Republic of Iran is more isolated.” Two months later, Vice President Biden asserted that “since our administration has come to power, I would point out that Iran is more isolated -- internally, externally -- has fewer friends in the world.” At the signing of the START treaty in April, Obama declared that “those nations that refuse to meet their obligations [to the Non-Proliferation Treaty, i.e., Iran] will be isolated.”

Really? On Tuesday, one day before the president touted passage of a surpassingly weak U.N. resolution and declared Iran yet more isolated, the leaders of Russia, Turkey, and Iran gathered at a security summit in Istanbul “in a display of regional power that appeared to be calculated to test the United States,” as the New York Times put it. I would add: And calculated to demonstrate the hollowness of U.S. claims of Iranian isolation, and to flaunt Iran’s growing ties with Russia and quasi-alliance with Turkey, a NATO member.

Apart from the fact that isolation is hardly an end in itself and is pointless if Iran rushes headlong to become a nuclear power regardless, the very claim of Iran’s increasing isolation is increasingly implausible.
Just last month, Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad hosted an ostentatious love fest in Tehran with the leaders of Turkey and Brazil. The three raised hands together and announced a uranium-transfer deal that was designed to torpedo U.S. attempts to impose U.N. sanctions.

Six weeks ago, Iran was elected to the U.N. Commission on the Status of Women, a grotesque choice that mocked Obama’s attempt to isolate and delegitimize Iran in the very international institutions he treasures.

Increasing isolation? In the last year alone, Ahmadinejad has been welcomed in Kabul, Istanbul, Copenhagen, Caracas, Brasilia, La Paz, Senegal, and Gambia. Today, he is in China.

Three Iran sanctions resolutions passed in the Bush years. They were all passed without a single no vote. But after 16 months of laboring to produce a mouse, Obama garnered only twelve votes for his sorry sanctions, with Lebanon abstaining and Turkey and Brazil voting no.


From the beginning, the Obama strategy toward Iran and other rogue states had been to offer good will and concessions on the premise that this would lead to one of two outcomes: (a) the other side changes its policy or, (b) if they don’t, the world isolates the offending state and rallies around us -- now that we have demonstrated last-mile good intentions.

Hence, nearly a year and a half of peace overtures, negotiation, concessions, two New Year’s messages to the Iranian people, a bit of groveling about U.S. involvement in the 1953 coup, and a disgraceful silence when the regime’s very stability was threatened by peaceful demonstrators.

Iran’s response? Defiance, contempt, and an acceleration of its nuclear program.

And the world’s response? Did it rally behind us? The Russians and Chinese bargained furiously and successfully to hollow out the sanctions resolution. Turkey is openly choosing sides with the region’s “strong horse” -- Iran and its clients (Syria, Hezbollah, Hamas) -- as it watches the United States flailingly try to placate Syria and appease Iran while it pressures Israel, neglects Lebanon, and draws down its power in the region.

To say nothing of Brazil. Et tu, Lula?

This comes after 16 months of assiduously courting these powers with one conciliatory gesture after another: “resetting” relations with Russia, kowtowing to China, lavishing a two-day visit on Turkey highlighted by a speech to the Turkish parliament in Ankara, and elevating Brazil by supplanting the G-8 with the G-20. All this has been read as American weakness, evidence that Obama can be rolled.

The result is succinctly, if understatedly, captured in Wednesday’s Washington Post headline “U.S. alliance against Iran is showing new signs of vulnerability.”

You think?


-- Charles Krauthammer is a nationally syndicated columnist. © 2010, The Washington Post Writers Group.


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To: Sully- who wrote (27321)6/14/2010 11:50:42 AM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Ya! That's the Ticket!



Bob Gorrell from Creators Syndicate

creators.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27321)7/22/2010 3:17:47 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Rising Speculation About Bombing Iran's Nukes

Michael Barone

Many years ago, I was privileged to attend a dinner with James Rowe, one of the "passion for anonymity" young aides to Franklin Roosevelt, original author of the winning strategy for Harry Truman's 1948 campaign and close confidante of then-President Lyndon Johnson.

Rowe described how Johnson tested insider opinion. He would call an ideologically wide range of acquaintances and ask their views on an issue of the day. Most responded as he expected. But when one or two said something he hadn't expected, he would take notice. Maybe things weren't going as he thought.

That memory returned as I read three recent articles saying there's an increasing chance that the United States — or Israel — might well bomb Iran's nuclear facilities. One was by Time's Joe Klein, who has been a harsh critic of George W. Bush's military policies and a skeptic about action against Iran. The other was by self-described centrist Walter Russell Mead in his ever-fascinating American Interest blog.

Former CIA agent Reuel Marc Gerecht in The Weekly Standard argues cogently that an Israeli strike on Iran's nuclear facilities would not lead to all the negative consequences widely feared and could shatter the mullah regime. This is not out of line with his views over the years.

Gerecht assumes that the United States will not launch an attack. Klein, contrary to his past views, disagrees. He cites American diplomats who feel that Iran's spurning of a reasonable deal justifies military action and American military officers who say they know more about potential targets than they did two years ago. Also, he says the Gulf Arab states favor a strike, as evidenced by the United Arab Emirates ambassador's July 6 statement saying that it would be preferable to a nuclear Iran.

Klein thinks Barack Obama is still dead-set against bombing Iran. Mead is not so sure. He thinks Obama is motivated by a Wilsonian desire for "the construction of a liberal and orderly world." Or "the European Union built up to a global scale." A successful Iranian nuclear program, in Mead's view, would be "the complete, utter and historic destruction" of Obama's long-term goals of a non-nuclear world and a cooperative international order.

This may sound far-fetched. But recall that Woodrow Wilson was re-elected in 1916 on the slogan "he kept us out of war." Then, in 1917, he went to war and quickly built the most stringent wartime state — with private businesses nationalized and political dissenters jailed — in modern American history. A Wilsonian desire for international order is not inconsistent with aggressive military action. Sometimes the two are compatible.

It would be ironic if the professorial Barack Obama launches a military attack when his supposedly cowboy predecessor George W. Bush declined to do so. I remember attending meetings of conservative columnists with Bush in which his words and body language convinced me he would not order the bombing of Iran.

Others were not so sure. The December 2007 National Intelligence Estimate was clearly a bureaucratic attempt to prevent Bush from attacking in his last 13 months in office. It declared on its first page that "in fall 2003 Tehran halted its nuclear weapons program," while conceding in a footnote that "uranium conversion and enrichment," the most difficult part of a nuclear bomb project, was continuing.

The fact is that Iran has been at war with the United States since 1979, when it seized and held our diplomats for 444 days — an act of war under settled principles of international law. Few in the United States then wanted to regard it as such (though Sen. Pat Moynihan said we should "bring fire and brimstone to the gates of Tehran").

Later the mullah regime sponsored the 1983 attack on our Marine Corps barracks in Lebanon and attacks on our soldiers in Iraq — more acts of war. Six presidents have chosen not to retaliate for reasons of prudence that have much to commend them. War with Iran would be a terrible thing. But one can also believe, as the UAE ambassador incautiously said, a nuclear-armed Iran would be even worse.

Joe Klein may be right that "this low-level saber-rattling" he describes may be "simply a message that the U.S. is trying to send the Iranians: It's time to deal." Walter Russell Mead may be right in saying "there's a possibility that (Obama) will flinch." But I take it seriously when these two non-hawks say Obama might bomb Iran. LBJ would have taken it seriously, too.

Michael Barone is senior political analyst for The Washington Examiner. To find out more about Michael Barone, and read features by other Creators Syndicate writers and cartoonists, visit the Creators Syndicate Web page at www.creators.com.

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To: Sully- who wrote (27321)10/20/2010 3:06:27 AM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Iranian Weapon Shipment to Afghan Taliban Raises Alarm

By Jennifer Griffin
FoxNews.com
Published October 19, 2010

Two weeks ago Afghan officials intercepted a shipment of Iranian weapons en route to the Taliban in the Afghan province of Nimroz.


“The police chief of Nimroz announced that they had intercepted a couple tons of Iranian explosives marked as food and toys,” said Michael Rubin of the American Enterprise Institute, who just returned from a two week visit to Afghanistan and Pakistan.

Until recently U.S. military commanders would quietly slip journalists information about the unhelpful role that Iran and its President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad were playing in Afghanistan. A role that often provides some of the same support and weaponry to the Taliban that it did to militant groups that were fighting U.S. troops in Iraq.


Me - And the MSM would routinely fail to report this damning info.

Commanders provide journalists with examples of Iran spreading its economic influence in the Western part of Afghanistan and trying to buy candidates and their loyalty in Afghanistan's recent Parliamentary elections.

But on Monday Iranian diplomats were seated at a NATO conference in Rome at the invitation of the Obama administration to discuss the way forward in Afghanistan. It was the ninth meeting of the NATO contact group which included foreign ministers and high level dignitaries, including U.S. Special envoy for Afghanistan and Pakistan Richard Holbrooke.

“We recognize that Iran….has a role to play in the peaceful settlement of the situation in Afghanistan,” Holbrooke said.

He added, “for the United States today, there is no problem with their presence [at the meeting]."

NATO's top commander General David Petraeus briefed the group which included this high ranking Iranian diplomat about "transition," another word for handing over control to Afghanistan's security forces.

"That's not admitting defeat,” Holbrooke said. “That's, as we've all said, we are not going to win this war by purely military means. General Petraeus said it again this morning in our briefings. The war will not end on a battleship in Tokyo Bay or at Dayton, Ohio. It will end through a different kind of process.”

That process is raising concerns among some Afghans, Pakistani officials, and U.S. military experts.

“Perhaps General Petraeus and the Obama Administration and NATO want to make it appear as if the Iranians are cooperating, but it's all smoke in mirrors,” AEI’s Rubin said. “All the Afghans I talked to said that Iranians were up to no good and unfortunately sitting down with the Iranians and including them in our talks about the future structure in Afghan security forces is going to be perceived by Afghans as the United States is surrendering, of the United States leaving and allowing the Iranians to fill the vacuum.”


President Obama's announcement that the first U.S. troops would be leaving in July 2011 changed the equation in Afghanistan. Afghan officials want assurances that the U.S. and NATO aren't leaving.

"It is critical that the international community speaks with one voice in reiterating to the respected constituency the message that has been repeated over and over again in this meeting that transition will not mean withdraw or exit," said Afghan foreign minister Zalmai Rassoul.

The Italian Foreign Minister Franco Frattini tried to ease Rassoul’s concern.

"We shouldn't talk about exit strategy,” Frattini said.

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