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Politics : I Will Continue to Continue, to Pretend.... -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Sully- who wrote (27636)7/25/2007 1:49:10 AM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
The Democrats' New Police State

By Maggie Gallagher
RealClearPolitics

New York Attorney General Andrew Cuomo's report makes one thing perfectly clear: Gov. Eliot Spitzer's administration tried to trump up a scandal against his major opposition leader, then lied vigorously to the public afterward for weeks about their role.

Confirmed actors in the scandal include Spitzer's communications director, his deputy secretary of homeland security and (most ominously) the acting superintendent of the state police, who, auditioning for a permanent appointment by Gov. Spitzer, took personal charge of creating a new special record keeping system targeting only one man: Joseph Bruno, the Republican majority leader of the New York State Senate who is also Spitzer's chief political adversary.

Bruno had charged Spitzer's "pattern of behavior over the years, his repeated physical threats to state officials and others, his complete and total disregard for the truth, and now his willingness to use the state police for surveillance in hopes of gaining some type of political advantage, should send shivers up the spine of every New Yorker and raise serious questions about his fitness to serve in the state's highest office."

At his press conference this week, Gov. Spitzer took full responsibility for the scandal, except for a few little things. He claimed he was misled, refused to say who misled him, absolved his longtime chief aide Richard Baum of any wrongdoing despite Baum's prior knowledge -- documented in e-mails to Baum by two close aides -- of the scheme to plant scandal stories about Bruno in the press, and similarly tried to protect his acting chief of police for entering into an arrangement that put him smack dab where police chiefs do not belong: in the middle of aiding and abetting an apparent political vendetta by the governor's office.

Gov. Spitzer also refused to fire anyone
, instead demoting one aide and suspending another "indefinitely," which the Albany Times-Union helpfully points out means "at least 30 days."

Gov. Spitzer: Your closest aides get caught red-handed recruiting your acting police chief to help you spy on your political opposition, involving your administration in multiple, repeated public lies, and nobody gets fired?

Attorney General Cuomo, while sharply rebuking the Spitzer administration, also said the conduct on the Spitzer administration's part was not illegal. But Albany County District Attorney David Soares pointedly refused to go that far, saying he had not joined the inquiry into the governor and his staff.

How did Spitzer get here?

Just a few months ago Eliot Spitzer was the Democrats' new golden boy, the "sheriff of Wall Street" swept into office with unheard-of poll numbers. The only Democrat in modern history who polls higher with men than with women (and he polls plenty high among women). Given that both the Republican and Democrat front-runners for president are New York politicians, it's not surprising that those close to Spitzer made it unabashedly clear: He had the White House in view. Spitzer was the Democrats' Giuliani: A balding, angular, yet strangely charismatic alpha male -- a pro-abortion, pro-gay marriage liberal who also talked tough on crime, tough on sexual predators, tough on Wall Street execs, and tough on taxes and fiscal responsibility.

These days, Eliot Spitzer resembles several other GOP pols: Take President Bush's unswerving loyalty to longtime aides, add Newt Gingrich's overweening faith in himself as a transformative figure in American politics who The People will follow, and add a dark dash of Richard "What did he know and when did he know it?" Nixon.

Eliot Spitzer's personal recipe for disaster. The hubris of his administration directly descends from Spitzer's excessive confidence in his own political mandate. Will the Dems follow?

MaggieBox2004@yahoo.com
Copyright 2007 Maggie Gallagher

realclearpolitics.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27636)7/26/2007 1:20:11 AM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Top Dem officials refusing to testify! Gee, why haven't I heard about this in the "newz"?

****

WHAT DID ELIOT KNOW?

NEW YORK POST
Editorial

July 25, 2007 -- So now comes word that two key aides to Gov. Spitzer refused to be interviewed by Attorney General Andrew Cuomo in connection with Albany's topsy-turvy Troopergate plot.

Why so reticent?

Could it be that truthful testimony on their role in the scheme to frame state Senate Majority Leader Joe Bruno - exposed by Post State Editor Fredric U. Dicker this month and confirmed by Cuomo on Monday - would be bad for their principal, Eliot Spitzer?

That candid answers to Cuomo's question would shed too much light on what Spitzer knew - and when he knew it?

Let's be frank.

Richard Baum and Darren Dopp - Spitzer's chief of staff and chief spokesman - didn't dummy up for no reason at all.

Dopp has already been suspended for his role in the affair.

Baum, so far, has gotten off scot-free. But there is good reason to believe that he, too, was in on the plot to use the State Police to rummage through Bruno's travel records.

According to Cuomo:

* Dopp sent Baum an e-mail back in May referring to existing " records" and "itineraries" relating to Bruno.

* Dopp later wrote again to Baum after a news article reported on an unrelated probe of Bruno: "Think a travel story would fit nicely in the mix."

* Then Spitzer's deputy homeland security secretary, William Howard, wrote Baum: "The impending travel stuff implies more problems . . . I think timing right [sic] for that move."

That makes three separate written communications to Spitzer's chief of staff implying that something was in the works regarding Bruno and his travel records.

A smoking gun?

Maybe not.

But it is inconceivable that the second-most-powerful person in state government - Spitzer's right-hand man - could have received such information about Bruno, Spitzer's arch political enemy, and not:

* Immediately asked what the hell was going on.

* Just as quickly informed his boss.

* Whereupon the two of them would have put a merciful end to the scheme.

Unless Baum was in on it all along.

In which case, so was Gov. Micromanager.

"It's a war," Spitzer fumed last spring regarding his relationship with Bruno. "People know me. They will never see me leave the field of battle without a lot of scars on me and the other side."

If that was Spitzer's state of mind, what was Baum's?

More to the point, what were Spitzer's instructions to Baum regarding Joe Bruno?

What were Baum's orders to Dopp?

What orders, if any, did Baum or Dopp issue to the State Police?

And what did either say to Spitzer - before, during and after the fact?

It would have been extremely helpful had Baum and Dopp agreed to give sworn testimony to Cuomo's investigators.

As it is, no New Yorker can have confidence in Spitzer's protestations of innocence - to say nothing of his fundamental integrity - until those questions are answered.

Definitively.

nypost.com
eliot_know__editorials_.htm



To: Sully- who wrote (27636)7/26/2007 2:01:04 AM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
NO MIDDLE GROUND

SPITZER'S OK - OR DOOMED

John Podhoretz
NEW YORK POST
Editorial

July 25, 2007 -- ELIOT Spitzer is through . . . or he's not.

The truth is, we don't know yet if he's going to survive the appalling scandal that has just torn his own office asunder.

In the past two days, the governor of New York either

a) saved his political career or
b) committed political suicide.

He either

a) acted quickly to address a shocking misuse of governmental power by overly aggressive aides or

b) engaged in a coverup of his own overly aggressive actions in that shocking misuse of governmental power.

He'll either

a) survive to fight another day or
b) be gone from office, either through resignation or impeachment, by the end of next year.

There's no middle ground here.

He's either

a) clean or
b) toast.

Spitzer either was or wasn't involved in siccing the State Police on a political rival, leaking false intimations about the State Police's findings and blaming the investigation on a non-existent press inquiry.

Spitzer says he wasn't. And if he wasn't, then he's guilty only of placing his trust in genuinely bad people who placed their own political hungers - vested entirely in Spitzer's career as governor - over the most elementary understanding of fairness.

If he wasn't, then this whole mess will prove to be a sobering learning experience for him. If he learns the right lessons from it, he'll be a better and more successful governor for it.

If Spitzer knew nothing, then he said and did the right thing Monday by stating, "As governor, I am accountable for what goes on in the executive branch, and I accept responsibility for the actions of my office." If he had no involvement, then his actions - suspending his communications director and reassigning his State Police liaison - were on the right track.

But here's the thing: We only have Spitzer's word to go on here that he didn't know and wasn't involved.

What do we know about Eliot Spitzer?

We know that he has a history of threatening people with prosecution and ruination to get them to bow their head and scrape their knee to him.

We know that he's considered a control freak, a detail-oriented guy with a ceaseless attention to detail and the fine points of every case - and that this portrait of Spitzer is the one offered by his admiring supporters, not by his enemies.

If you trust what Spitzer's friends say about him, it would have been entirely out of character for Spitzer not to know what Communications Director Darren Dopp and others were doing in his name - especially considering that their target was the most powerful Republican in the state and that they were therefore playing a very dangerous high-stakes game.

Maybe the portrait of Spitzer as a control freak who knows everything is just a public-relations figment. Or maybe the demands of the governorship have already changed him. Maybe he was so overwhelmed by the difficulties of his first six months in office that he couldn't keep track of the shenanigans around him.

Maybe. People do change, PR portraits are often spun from whole cloth and difficult new jobs can certainly overwhelm political novices.

But it has to be said there is nothing in Attorney General Andrew Cuomo's report that exculpates Spitzer. The report does not say the governor knew nothing about the misuse of the State Police and the irregularity of the State Police's behavior in investigating Joe Bruno.

What we do know is that Spitzer heatedly and repeatedly denied there had been any wrongdoing in the effort to build either a criminal or a media case against state Senate Majority Leader Joe Bruno.

Spitzer said on Monday that he spoke in these definitive terms without actually making sure what he was saying was accurate. "Once we asked the attorney general and the inspector general to investigate, we did our best to establish what the facts were," he said Monday. "My statements, at the time I made them, were absolutely true based upon my information at the time."

Except, Governor, they weren't true, no matter what "information" you had "at the time."

Spitzer's formulation doesn't exactly inspire trust. And this story of political malfeasance is far, far from over.

jpodhoretz@gmail.com

nypost.com
_ground_opedcolumnists_john_podhoretz.htm



To: Sully- who wrote (27636)7/27/2007 2:40:57 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
ELIOT'S M.O.: THEY FIGHT DIRTY

By CHARLES GASPARINO
NEW YORK POST
Opinion

July 27, 2007 -- UNTIL recently, most of the elite media never got on Darren Dopp's bad side - or, to be more precise, the bad side of his boss, Gov. Spitzer. I did, and because I did, I have something in common with Senate Majority Leader Joe Bruno.

I first met Dopp in late 2001, when I began covering then-Attorney General Eliot Spitzer's investigation of Wall Street research practices, specifically, the use of hyped-up stock research to entice small investors into buying stocks during the bubble years. We got along great, until I hit the third rail in the world of Eliot Spitzer - that is, I had the audacity to report on stuff that he didn't like.

It began with a series of stories I did for The Wall Street Journal and then Newsweek about former New York Stock Exchange Chairman Richard Grasso. I was part of a trio of reporters at the Journal who first wrote about Grasso's pay package. Because the exchange was a New York not-for-profit corporation, Spitzer filed charges against Grasso to get him to return a chunk of the money.

Beyond Grasso, Spitzer charged only a single NYSE board member, Ken Langone. Most notably, he didn't pursue H. Carl McCall - who, as the compensation-committee chief, guided the board when it handed Grasso all the money. McCall, of course, is a prominent New York Democrat and a Spitzer political supporter. I wrote and said in several TV interviews that Spitzer was playing politics by cutting his supporter a break.

I didn't think that was such a wild observation, but Dopp did. He followed up with a phone call threatening to "cut me off" if I continued to make the Spitzer-McCall connection. After a spirited conversation, I told Dopp that the choice to cut me off was his, and I was going to continue my reporting.

Dopp did indeed cut me off. First, he wouldn't take my phone calls; later, he would only answer questions via e-mail. Then I wrote a story that called into question Spitzer's fund-raising practices by noting that Spitzer had asked a prominent hedge-fund manager for a campaign contribution while Spitzer was investigating the fund business.

What happened next was downright scary.
Dopp called my editors at Newsweek demanding a retraction, saying that the hedge-fund manager, Stan Druckenmiller, had denied the story. Dopp then wrote a long letter to my editors detailing this and other alleged journalistic sins that he said I had committed. In the letter, he said that I recently had interviewed Spitzer, and the "tenor of my questioning and commentary was bizarrely confrontational," that I had challenged Spitzer "in an aggressive manner on matters of law." (Can you imagine someone more aggressive than Gov. Steamroller?)

Dopp said that, during our initial phone call, I had threatened him, not the other way around, and that I had said that if he "cut me off," Newsweek would "go to war" with Spitzer. He added that I "further implied" that the portrayal of Spitzer in my then-forthcoming book, "Blood on the Street," would suffer if the AG's office didn't "do what [I] desired."

Now, these were all serious charges that could have led to my dismissal - if they'd been true. The false claims also show how far Dopp would go to attack someone he saw as an opponent of Spitzer. And I wasn't even an opponent - just a reporter who questioned some of his actions and cases.

Needless to say, I didn't get fired from Newsweek. Dopp never got his retraction, either - because Druckenmiller's attorney, contrary to what Dopp said, ultimately went on the record to confirm my account.

But that didn't stop the Spitzer/Dopp attacks. Spitzer went on CNBC at one point and said I was now denying my own story about Druckenmiller. I called up CNBC the next day, and it corrected the record. Then a reporter covering last year's gubernatorial election called me, and I learned that Dopp's letter-writing campaign had continued: He'd written again, to try to get Newsweek to take me off the Spitzer beat.

I have no problem taking a little heat from public officials; it's part of the job. But these guys give the term "fighting dirty" new meaning. They don't just spin; they fabricate. At least, that's been my experience.

A final observation: One of the great things about covering Spitzer for so long is that I got to witness Dopp and Spitzer work with each other first-hand. One afternoon, I was interviewing Spitzer about a case he was bringing against a well-known Wall Street executive. Dopp at one point interrupted and said that everyone knew that the executive "was boning" his secretary. I said, where's the evidence, and why does it matter?

Spitzer just sat there before changing the subject.

Charles Gasparino is on-air editor at CNBC. His next book is "King of the Club: Richard Grasso and the Survival of the New York Stock Exchange."

nypost.com
_they_fight_dirty_opedcolumnists_charles_gasparino.htm



To: Sully- who wrote (27636)7/27/2007 3:39:28 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Michael Ramirez
Editorial Cartoonist for Investor's Business Daily



ibdeditorial.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27636)7/30/2007 7:05:07 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
ELIOT'S STONEWALL

NEW YORK POST
Editorial

July 30, 2007 -- How high is the stone wall the Spitzer administration has erected around Troopergate - its deployment of the State Police to destroy state Senate Majority Leader Joseph Bruno?

It's hard to say.

But news that the governor's men conferred "special counsel" status on two top-level administration lawyers - in an apparent effort to shield them from being forced to tell investigators what they know of the scandal - suggests that it is higher than any outsider had imagined.

That it is a very high wall, indeed.

Details of the new development are reported this morning by Post State Editor Fredric U. Dicker - who also brings word that the state Senate Investigations Committee is moving closer to opening a probe of its own into the sordid affair.

According to Dicker, Peter Pope, the governor's principal policy adviser and a close friend, and Sean Patrick Maloney, principal deputy to the govenor's chief of staff, were detailed to provide legal advice to two other high-ranking administration officials - chief of staff Richard Baum and communications director Darren Dopp.

The Pope-Maloney designation arguably conferred a lawyer-client privilege on the two men - possibly enabling them to avoid testifying as to any independent knowledge of the Bruno plot at any point in the future.

The most benign explanation of the assignments is that the administration assigned counsel to Baum and Dopp to spare them the expense of hiring lawyers of their own. (This would be ironic, insofar as Bruno's alleged misuse of taxpayer funds is what the Troopergate plot was supposed to demonstrate.)

Equally likely, however, is that Pope and Maloney got their assigments precisely to keep them out of the chain of evidence should the scandal proceed beyond Attorney General Andrew Cuomo's Troopergate inquiry.

And that could amount to obstruction of justice - an extraordinarily serious matter at any level of government, but a wholly unacceptable state of affairs when it occurs in the Executive Chamber.

In the event, Baum and Dopp refused Cuomo's requests to testify before his investigators. The attorney general didn't have subpoena power, and the result was a huge hole in the effort to find out who knew what, and when they knew it, regarding Troopergate.

So, as it stands, four principal figures from the highest echelons of the tightly knit Spitzer administration - Baum, Pope, Maloney and Dopp, the men most likely to know precisely who sicced the State Police on Bruno - have had nothing to say on the matter.

It must not be allowed to end like this.

And, as noted here last week, the state Ethics Commission simply doesn't pack the necessary horsepower to clear things up.

Yes, the commission has announced a preliminary probe of its own.

But the commission is an executive branch entity - that is, it is largely controlled by Spitzer himself - and so cannot conduct a credible investigation.

An independent prosecutor - armed with subpoena power - is what's needed.

To that end, Dicker also reports this morning that Senate Investigations Committee chairman George Winner is going to ask Spitzer to give Cuomo special-prosecutor status - complete with subpoena power - and turn him loose.

Winner also will make clear that if the governor declines, he intends to do the job - get to the bottom of the scandal - all by himself.

We would prefer that Cuomo - or, if not, an equally credible independent attorney - get the job. But Winner will do, if it comes to that.

The stone wall around Troopergate simply must come down - if only because Eliot Spitzer simply cannot govern effectively while it stands.

nypost.com
_editorials_.htm



To: Sully- who wrote (27636)7/30/2007 7:16:46 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
DON'T LET NY'S HACKS MUZZLE YOU

By STEPHEN M. HOERSTING
NEW YORK POST
Opinion

July 30, 2007 -- IT'S worth noting that the plot by top staffers of Gov. Spitzer to use the State Police for political espionage against state Senate Majority Leader Joseph Bruno was apparently intended to force Bruno into agreeing to Spitzer's proposals to rewrite the New York's campaign-finance laws. Ironically, the plot helps illustrate how Spitzer's "reforms" threaten political freedom.

On July 19 (the week before state Attorney General Andrew Cuomo issued his report on the scandal), Spitzer and legislative leaders agreed to a package of campaign regulations that would undermine democracy in the state. One would create an agency to bolster the Board of Elections' enforcement capabilities.

Why would this agency be any more immune to abuse than the State Police?

Nobel laureate James M. Buchanan Jr. teaches that there is no such thing as the disinterested bureaucrat. Throughout the country, "unbiased" enforcement agencies have been accused of making decisions based on politics rather than the merits.

Consider Arizona, which claims to be model of "clean elections" of the kind Spitzer wants. Matt Shaffer, then a deputy director of that state's Citizens Clean Elections Commission, accused the agency's executive director of acting in an "unfair and political" manner by treating the campaign-finance violations of Republican gubernatorial candidate Matt Salmon more harshly than the violations of other candidates in that 2002 race.

The commission then turned around and fired Shaffer, claiming that he had "willingly and deliberately concealed" violations by Salmon. In 2005, a federal jury awarded Shaffer $1.1 million for defamation but declined to find that he was wrongly terminated.

Similarly, the San Francisco Ethics Commission has been under intense scrutiny for bullying some campaigns. In June, for example, it threatened Carolyn Knee, the leader of a group of citizens supporting a local ballot initiative, with a $26,700 fine for violating campaign-finance laws.

Richard Mo, the commission's chief enforcement officer, later admitted the heavy fine was a threat - "an 'opening salvo' designed to inspire negotiations, which have not been smooth." Knee eventually settled for a $267 fine, 1 percent of the initial threat.

With the Spitzer/State Police scandal still unfolding, how can any legislator support giving enhanced electoral oversight to the executive department? Even if the new enforcement agency doesn't fall directly under the governor's office, the power is ripe for abuse.

But even with outright abuse set aside, greater regulation of campaigns empowers political insiders: The more rules and the more complex filing requirements there are, the more you need cash, lawyers, accountants and other experts to engage in politics at all.

But the regulatory web doesn't just hurt political neophytes. The proposed, drastically reduced, contribution limits will cripple challenger campaigns. At the federal level, we have seen successful challenger campaigns drop by 50 percent since contribution limits first became law. Expect similar results in New York.

Incumbents begin every election with a significant advantage in name recognition. They also attract free press coverage because of their office - and inevitably receive assistance from government staff and mailings to constituents. Perhaps most important, the incumbent has a database of past contributors and often a ready fund-raising machine.

Against this stacked deck, challengers must try to win a campaign. But with contribution limits, an unknown challenger often can't can't raise money quickly. It takes time to build a big base of small donors, or the name recognition to attract any larger contributions. In states with high or no contribution limits, large, contributors can provide the valuable seed money needed to give challengers a chance.

Last, it should be noted that campaign contributions do not buy legislative votes, as some politicians in Albany would like the public to think. Instead, research by professors Stephen Bronars and John Lott finds that ideology drives contributions; legislators vote according to their beliefs, party loyalty and their constituents' views.

Our nation's Founders penned the First Amendment to protect us from an overbearing government infringing on our political rights. It has never been more important for New Yorkers to remember the words "Government shall make no law . . . abridging the freedom of speech."

Stephen M. Hoersting is vice president at the Center for Competitive Politics. He testified last Friday before the state Senate Elections Committee.

nypost.com
hacks_muzzle_you_opedcolumnists_stephen_m__hoersting.htm



To: Sully- who wrote (27636)8/6/2007 3:37:40 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Hat tip to Peter Dierks:

A Special Counsel for Spitzer

New York's governor needs to come clean.

BY JOSEPH L. BRUNO
The Wall Street Journal Editorial Page
Thursday, August 2, 2007 12:01 a.m. EDT

New York Gov. Eliot Spitzer is now traveling the state trying to put a scandal behind him that risks enveloping his administration. It's going to be a hard task.

Here's what we know, thanks to some enterprising reporting by the New York Post and an investigation by New York Attorney General Andrew Cuomo: Two close advisers to the governor apparently used the New York State Police to carry out a political smear campaign against me by creating documents designed to generate negative press reports about me.

And it nearly worked.

Now, with an outline of what really happened made public, there is only one way forward for Mr. Spitzer. He needs to support a full airing of the truth.
That support must include publicly testifying under oath, and making advisers available to publicly testify under oath, as part of an independent investigation that should not be limited to a panel of his appointees. It would be best to appoint an independent counsel to look into the issue.

The abuse of power now being alleged is a very serious matter that has placed a cloud over state government. It is especially damaging because the scandal involves misusing state troopers and alleged misconduct by the governor's top aides, including the state assistant secretary for Homeland Security. New Yorkers have made it clear in several polls that they believe the governor knew about the smear campaign and should publicly testify about what he knew and when he knew it.

It is troubling that a governor who campaigned on ethics, openness and accountability, is now trying to sweep the "Troopergate" matter under the rug. But it is not surprising. This is not an isolated incident. It is just the most serious example of a pattern of behavior that raises very serious questions about the governor's judgment, temperament and ability to govern New York State.

When Mr. Spitzer took office earlier this year, the Republican Senate majority--and I, as majority leader--pledged to work with him on critical issues such as strengthening our economy, creating jobs, keeping communities safe and cutting taxes. But we quickly found that we did not have a willing partner. We found a man who did not respect opposing viewpoints and who verbally threatened those who disagreed with him.

In his public statements and behind the scenes, the governor has refused to work in a bipartisan manner. Instead, he has politicized his office like no other governor in history. Rather than negotiating and compromising with people who challenged him, Mr. Spitzer tried to eliminate them. That is dangerous for democracy.

And this governor does need to be challenged. Here's a partial list of his unfulfilled campaign promises and misplaced priorities:

• Mr. Spitzer promised to provide tax relief, but he proposed a budget that included more than $1 billion in new taxes and fees. The Republicans in the Senate stopped these tax hikes and were successful in getting new tax cuts for businesses.

• Mr. Spitzer promised to promote greater economic opportunity, but instead worked to block the Senate's efforts to make new capital investments in key projects to strengthen New York's economy, particularly upstate.

• Mr. Spitzer promised to be tough on crime, but he hasn't done anything to help the Senate's efforts to impose the death penalty for criminals who kill police officers.

• Mr. Spitzer promised property tax relief, but has tried to thwart every effort by the Senate Republicans to provide relief to people paying the highest property taxes in the country.

• Mr. Spitzer promised to work cooperatively with the state legislature, but then announced that he would run the government without the legislature by using his state agencies. This type of autocratic rule is not what the Founding Fathers had in mind.

• Mr. Spitzer promised to enact sweeping campaign finance reforms, but instead launched one the most hypocritical and aggressive fundraising campaigns ever--complete with massive "bundling" of million-dollar contributions, and promises of access depending on the size of a donation. The Senate, which recently opened a probe of the governor's past fundraising practices, has been the only institution willing to point out the governor's hypocrisy.


Mr. Spitzer is not shy about using threats and verbal abuse against those who oppose him.
Wall Street Journal readers will remember that John Whitehead, formerly chairman of the World Trade Center Memorial Foundation, detailed on theses pages a bizarre and threatening phone call from then New York Attorney General Eliot Spitzer in 2005. The call came after Mr. Whitehead wrote an article for this newspaper critical of Mr. Spitzer. There have been profane and abusive phone calls to members of the Senate and Assembly. And, of course, the governor also admitted that he lied to Michael Goodwin of the Daily News about whether his father helped bankroll his campaign for attorney general in 1998.

In light of these incidents, New Yorkers are beginning to raise serious questions about the governor's temperament. And all of this helps place the "Troopergate" scandal in context. This most recent abuse of power represents an intentional effort to damage me politically and--by extension--to destroy the Republican majority in the state Senate.

Apparently, with the state Assembly and every statewide office controlled by Democrats, Mr. Spitzer came to view Senate Republicans as the only thing standing in his way. On this particular point, the governor is absolutely correct.

Mr. Bruno, is majority leader of the New York Senate.

opinionjournal.com