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Politics : I Will Continue to Continue, to Pretend.... -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Sully- who wrote (27670)7/28/2007 2:10:44 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Gonzales

Jonah Goldberg
The Corner

<Snip>

Anyway, a bunch of readers want to know why nobody around here has mentioned the Gonzales story. I assure you it's not a policy or conspiracy of any sort. Or if it was I didn't get the memo. As for my own take on the story, I'm not sure what to make of it. But my longstanding position is that the only possible defense of Gonzales against charges of villainy is rank incompetence. I've wanted to see him go for a very long time. So, while I very much doubt that Schumer-esque conspiracies have that much weight, I think Gonzales has long, long, long outserved whatever usefulness he might once have had. And — hey — maybe he actually did perjure himself.

corner.nationalreview.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27670)7/28/2007 2:19:03 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Re: Gonzales

Rich Lowry
The Corner

This time I think he's just being smeared. We'll have editorial up in the morning. From the parts of the transcript I've read he was badgered in a way meant to obscure the reasonable distinctions he was trying to make and set up this perjury accusation. Nasty stuff...

corner.nationalreview.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27670)7/28/2007 3:23:16 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Gonzales Has Lost So Much Credibility That He Is No Longer Believed Even When He Is Telling the Truth

Kathryn Jean Lopez
The Corner

Did the attorney general perjure himself this week? We think not. From today's editorial:
    The administration’s surveillance of terrorists has, 
however, undergone several modifications over the period
since September 11, and some of the details remain secret.
Gonzales’s phrasing was careful, and it was careful
because he was trying to avoid disclosing those details.
Here's a bit from the Senate hearing transcript, to show you what we're talking about:

<<< SEN. SCHUMER: Let me ask you about some specific reports. It's been reported by multiple news outlets that the former number two man in the Justice Department, the premier terrorism prosecutor, Jim Comey, expressed grave reservations about the NSA program, and at least once refused to give it his blessing. Is that true?

ATTY GEN. GONZALES: Senator, here's a response that I feel that I can give with respect to recent speculation or stories about disagreements. There has not been any serious disagreement, including — and I think this is accurate — there's not been any serious disagreement about the program that the president has confirmed.

There have been disagreements about other matters regarding operations, which I cannot get into. I will also say —

SEN. SCHUMER: But there was some — I'm sorry to cut you off. But there was some dissent within the administration, and Jim Comey did express at some point — that's all I asked you — some reservation.

ATTY GEN. GONZALES: The point I want to make is that, to my knowledge, none of the reservations dealt with the program that we're talking about today. They dealt with operational capabilities that we're not talking about today.

SEN. SCHUMER: I want to ask you again about — I'm just — we have limited time.

ATTY GEN. GONZALES: Yes, sir.

SEN. SCHUMER: It's also been reported that the head of the Office of Legal Counsel, Jack Goldsmith, a respected lawyer and professor at Harvard Law School, expressed reservations about the program. Is that true?

ATTY GEN. GONZALES: Senator, rather than going individual by individual —

SEN. SCHUMER: No, I think we're — this is —

ATTY GEN. GONZALES: — let me just say that I think differing views that have been the subject of some of these stories does not — did not deal with the program that I'm here testifying about today.

SEN. SCHUMER: But you are telling us that none of these people expressed any reservations about the ultimate program. Is that right?

ATTY GEN. GONZALES: Senator, I want to be very careful here, because, of course, I'm here only testifying about what the president has confirmed. And with respect to what the president has confirmed, I believe — I do not believe that these DOJ officials that you're identifying had concerns about this program. >>>

More from the editorial:
    The Democrats say that to defend Gonzales on these terms 
is to play games with words. But what was Gonzales
supposed to say? The controversy about which he was
testifying was the existing surveillance program. He could
have said that an earlier version of it had provoked
controversy: But given that the administration’s
(defensible) position was that publicizing the program’s
existence in the first place had jeopardized it, it would
have been impossible to say that without inviting further
questions that would have revealed more details about the
program.
    It is a convoluted story; and much of it is beside the 
point. The country is at war. The commander-in-chief and
his agents have to be able to listen in on the enemy. Our
surveillance appears to have played an important role in
disrupting at least two terrorist plots. But our ability
to wage this part of the war has gotten progressively
weaker as it has continued. The program narrowed first
because of legal objections by the Justice Department, and
then because of the political fallout from the New York
Times’s reporting. We fear that it will grow weaker still
now, because Democrats who ought to know better insist on
playing “gotcha” with the attorney general.

Read the whole editorial here.
article.nationalreview.com

corner.nationalreview.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27670)7/28/2007 3:29:36 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Perjury Trap

By The Editors
National Review Online

In March, we argued that Alberto Gonzales should step down, or be told to step down, as attorney general. “He cannot defend the administration and its policies even when they deserve defense,” we wrote. This week we saw just how much credibility he has lost: He is no longer believed even when he is telling the truth.

Democrats are claiming that Gonzales perjured himself in testimony before the Senate, and are calling for a special counsel to investigate. In the disputed testimony, from February 2006, Gonzales was talking about the Terrorist Surveillance Program. He said that “there has not been any serious disagreement about the program that the president has confirmed.”

The Democrats say that this was untrue, because there was a lot of intra-administration strife about the National Security Administration’s surveillance of terrorists. In 2004, for example, John Ashcroft (at that time the attorney general), Gonzales (at that time the White House counsel), and other officials sparred over the program in Ashcroft’s hospital room. Ashcroft and his aides thought that the NSA was going beyond its authorization. Only in 2007 did this episode come to light.

The administration’s surveillance of terrorists has, however, undergone several modifications over the period since September 11, and some of the details remain secret. Gonzales’s phrasing was careful, and it was careful because he was trying to avoid disclosing those details.

As best as we can tell, here is how events unfolded. After September 11, the NSA began running wiretaps on suspected al Qaeda operatives. The surveillance program was reauthorized every 45 days. In 2004, however, Justice Department officials, for the first time, raised legal objections to the scope of the program. The resulting dispute within the administration led to the famous hospital scene, after which President Bush sided with the Justice Department officials and narrowed the program. Many months later, the New York Times revealed the existence of this now-narrowed program; President Bush then confirmed its existence and named it the “Terrorist Surveillance Program”; and Gonzales defended it.

When Gonzales said that “there has not been any serious disagreement about the program that the president has confirmed,” then, he was referring to the later, narrowed version of terrorist surveillance, and as far as we know he was correct. Other disputed Gonzales comments appear to follow the same basic pattern.

Thursday afternoon, the press and the Democrats started to play up testimony by FBI director Robert Mueller about the hospital-room meeting, testimony that supposedly contradicts Gonzales. But all Mueller said was that the meeting concerned a legal disagreement over the NSA’s surveillance. If our account of the chronology of the program is correct, there is no contradiction here.

The Democrats say that to defend Gonzales on these terms is to play games with words. But what was Gonzales supposed to say? The controversy about which he was testifying was the existing surveillance program. He could have said that an earlier version of it had provoked controversy: But given that the administration’s (defensible) position was that publicizing the program’s existence in the first place had jeopardized it, it would have been impossible to say that without inviting further questions that would have revealed more details about the program.

It is a convoluted story; and much of it is beside the point. The country is at war. The commander-in-chief and his agents have to be able to listen in on the enemy. Our surveillance appears to have played an important role in disrupting at least two terrorist plots. But our ability to wage this part of the war has gotten progressively weaker as it has continued. The program narrowed first because of legal objections by the Justice Department, and then because of the political fallout from the New York Times’s reporting. We fear that it will grow weaker still now, because Democrats who ought to know better insist on playing “gotcha” with the attorney general.

article.nationalreview.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27670)7/28/2007 4:44:25 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
I must be missing something

Betsy's Page

In all the controversy over which NSA program Alberto Gonzales talked about with John Ashcroft while Ashcroft was in the hospital with Senators insisting that Gonzales perjured himself because he denied that they discussed one specific NSA terrorist surveillance plan, why don't the senators call Ashcroft and ask him?

And why are they refusing to go into closed session so Gonzales can tell them about what he's referring to since Gonzales says that that information has not yet been made public and so has to be given in a secure briefing?

Could it be that the Democrats leading the charge to make it seem that Gonzales committed perjury aren't really interested in getting information, but prefer the public appearance of Gonzales having lied? Nyah. They couldn't be that cynical about national security, could they?

betsyspage.blogspot.com

powerlineblog.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27670)7/28/2007 5:28:17 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
    One of the purposes of the Democrats' frivolous probes 
into non-lawbreaking is to bait someone into making a
statement under oath that can be twisted into perjury.
It's the way special prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald's
investigation into the noncriminal Valerie Plame affair
snared Scooter Libby for having a lousy memory.

Holds No Watergate

By INVESTOR'S BUSINESS DAILY
Posted Friday, July 27, 2007 4:20 PM PT

Congress: Legally unenforceable subpoenas, "scandals" involving no lawbreaking and baseless "perjury" charges. In wartime, and with lots of real work to do, these are the Democratic Congress' skewed priorities.

After issuing subpoenas Thursday to presidential adviser Karl Rove and a White House aide working for him, Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Patrick Leahy of Vermont took to the Senate floor to announce, "There is a cloud over this White House and a gathering storm."

Unlike most weather forecasters who get it wrong, Leahy can't claim to have good intentions. He and other top Democrats in both chambers have spent their nearly seven months in the majority trying to generate a fake storm that can destroy the Bush presidency.

The U.S. attorneys affair that Leahy is demanding Rove testify about — in defiance of the confidentiality vis-a-vis his staff that the Supreme Court has affirmed to be a president's right — is the most monumental non-scandal in Washington history. Under the law, a president can fire a Justice Department prosecutor because he doesn't like his tie.

Over on the other side of the Capitol, the House Judiciary Committee — chaired by one of Congress' most liberal members, Rep. John Conyers of Michigan, who has long wanted the president impeached — voted along party lines to cite former White House counsel Harriet Myers and current chief of staff Josh Bolten with criminal contempt for refusing to testify about the attorney firings.

One of the purposes of the Democrats' frivolous probes into non-lawbreaking is to bait someone into making a statement under oath that can be twisted into perjury. It's the way special prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald's investigation into the noncriminal Valerie Plame affair snared Scooter Libby for having a lousy memory.

So now four Senate Judiciary Committee Democrats, led by New York's Charles Schumer, the Senate Democrats' chief fundraiser, demand an inquisitor for Attorney General Alberto Gonzales.

Even the judiciary panel's ranking Republican, Arlen Specter of Pennsylvania, who's been inexcusably disloyal to President Bush in the global war on terror, knows this is all just about destroying the president. "Sen. Schumer is not interested in looking at the record," Specter said. "He is interested in throwing down the gauntlet and making stories in tomorrow's newspapers."

FBI Director Robert Mueller, we are told, contradicted Gonzales in congressional testimony on Thursday regarding whether there was debate among Justice Department officials over the legality of the National Security Agency's terrorist surveillance program. But we don't even know if they were referring to an old or revamped version of the program.

The very fact that Congress wants to grill White House officials on the weapons we need for security is outrageous, as it can give terrorists clues about such programs and dilute their effectiveness.

Leahy, Schumer, Conyers and other high-ranking congressional Democrats eager to concoct a 21st-century Watergate all realize that no one will be convicted of a crime in the attorneys matter. They also realize that the Roberts Court will end up siding with the president on both shielding White House officials from subpoenas and the legality of the NSA anti-terrorism program.

Yet they keep wasting the people's time and money. And they keep avoiding securing the border, dealing with the entitlement crisis, and all the other real work they could be doing in cooperation with the administration. For them, any chance at bringing down this president, however slim, is worth a try.

ibdeditorials.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27670)7/28/2007 5:49:17 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
    This is an infuriating story, and one that highlights the 
situation we currently face in Washington, where one party
consistently puts its own political interests ahead of the
national security of the United States.

Putting Politics Ahead of National Security

Power Line

The NSA's terrorist surveillance program has been in the news again lately. This makes it a good time to review the sad history of how Democratic partisanship has damaged this program, and thereby impaired our national security.

The NSA program was set up shortly after September 11, 2001. The Justice Department issued an opinion that the program was legal, and authorized it to begin. Those authorizations continued for a period of years. The Republican and Democratic leaders of both the House and the Senate, and the senior members of the intelligence committees of both chambers, were aware of the program and approved of it.

Then, in late 2005, the New York Times, acting on information leaked from intelligence sources, exposed the program to al Qaeda and our other terrorist enemies. This changed the political calculus for the Democrats. They now saw an opportunity to use the program to attack the Bush administration, and did so. They took no responsibility for their former approval of the program, nor did they acknowledge that the program was consistent with multiple Federal Court decisions and had been certified as legal by the Department of Justice.

As a concession to the Democrats, the administration agreed, at the beginning of this year, to put the program under the jurisdiction of the FISA court. (Previously, the policy had been to obtain FISA orders when possible, but to rely on the President's constitutional authority to carry out warrantless surveillance for national security purposes where time constraints or other factors made it impractical to obtain such an order.) Today, the Wall Street Journal brings us up to date on what has been happening as a result:


<<< This has turned out to be an enormous mistake that has unilaterally disarmed one of our best intelligence weapons in the war on terror. To understand why, keep in mind that we live in a world of fiber optics and packet-switching. A wiretap today doesn't mean the FBI must install a bug on Abdul Terrorist's phone in Peshawar. Information now follows the path of least resistance, wherever that may lead. And because the U.S. has among the world's most efficient networks, hundreds of millions of foreign calls are routed through the U.S.

That's right: If an al Qaeda operative in Quetta calls a fellow jihadi in Peshawar, that call may well travel through a U.S. network. This ought to be a big U.S. advantage in our "asymmetrical" conflict with terrorists. But it also means that, for the purposes of FISA, a foreign call that is routed through U.S. networks becomes a domestic call. So thanks to the obligation to abide by an outdated FISA statute, U.S. intelligence is now struggling even to tap the communications of foreign-based terrorists. If this makes you furious, it gets worse.

Our understanding is that some FISA judges have been open to expediting warrants, as well as granting retroactive approval. But there are 11 judges in the FISA rotation, and some of them have been demanding that intelligence officials get permission in advance for wiretaps. This means missed opportunities and less effective intelligence. And it shows once again why the decisions of unaccountable judges shouldn't be allowed to supplant those of an elected Commander in Chief.

When the program began, certain U.S. telecom companies also cooperated with the National Security Agency. But they were sued once the program was exposed, and so some have ceased cooperating for fear of damaging liability claims. We found all of this hard to believe when we first heard it, but we've since confirmed the details with other high-level sources.

Director of National Intelligence Michael McConnell more or less admitted the problem last week, albeit obliquely, when he told the Senate that "we're actually missing a significant portion of what we should be getting." That's understating things. Our sources say the surveillance program is now at most one-third as effective as it once was. >>>


The administration has introduced legislation to modernize FISA and to give immunity to telecom companies who cooperate in terrorist surveillance, but the Democrats have blocked the legislation.

This is an infuriating story, and one that highlights the situation we currently face in Washington, where one party consistently puts its own political interests ahead of the national security of the United States.

To comment on this post, go here.
plnewsforum.com

powerlineblog.com

opinionjournal.com



To: Sully- who wrote (27670)7/28/2007 6:04:21 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
    In fairness to the journalists, however, they didn't go as
wild as the Democratic members of the Senate Judiciary
Committee when they interrogated Gonzales earlier this
week. The transcript is linked below; it's hard sometimes
to tell the Democratic Senators from the protesters. If
the Senators went any wilder, they'd be raising their
shirts in exchange for beads.

Judiciary Committee Members and Journalists Gone Wild

Power Line

Today Tony Snow told the White House press corps that what Attorney General Alberto Gonzales told the Senate Judiciary Committee was correct: there was no disagreement in the Justice Department about the "terrorist surveillance program" which President Bush described to the American people in 2005. There was controversy, but that was over a different set of intelligence activities:


<<< The terrorist surveillance program, as it has been labeled -- it was not so labeled at the time -- was a program of doing surveillance on communications of al Qaeda or suspected al Qaeda members internationally -- internationally into the United States. The legal basis of that was accepted by the Department of Justice, and it was not a matter of controversy. To the extent that there were controversies on -- there are many different things that involve the gathering or use of intelligence; some of those may, in fact, themselves have been subjects of controversy, there were controversies about those. It is also the case that whatever controversy had been raised by the then acting Attorney General had been resolved. And that is something that he has said publicly. >>>


That seems pretty simple, but what is striking about the transcript of the press gaggle is the dim-wittedness of the reporters. It is hard to understand how well-paid professionals (I assume) can fail to follow such a simple point. One reporter went so far as to say that Snow was "contradicting himself" by drawing a distinction between the "terrorist surveillance program" and other intelligence activities. It's an interesting window into the thinking, or lack thereof, of the White House press corps.

In fairness to the journalists, however, they didn't go as wild as the Democratic members of the Senate Judiciary Committee when they interrogated Gonzales earlier this week. The transcript is linked below; it's hard sometimes to tell the Democratic Senators from the protesters. If the Senators went any wilder, they'd be raising their shirts in exchange for beads.

Worst of all was Chuck Schumer, who made a show of pretending to misunderstand the basic facts that Gonzales told him. Given the anti-Gonzales tone of the press coverage, it is interesting to read what the Attorney General actually had to say. Here, he describes the hospital interview with then-Attorney General John Ashcroft, and what led up to it:


<<< The consensus in the room from the congressional leadership is that we should continue the activities, at least for now, despite the objections of Mr. Comey.

There was also consensus that it would be very, very difficult to obtain legislation without compromising this program, but that we should look for a way ahead.

It is for this reason that within a matter of hours Andy Card and I went to the hospital. We felt it important that the attorney general knew about the views and the recommendations of the congressional leadership, that as a former member of Congress and as someone who had authorized these activities for over two years that it might be important for him to hear this information.

That was the reason that Mr. Card and I went to the hospital.

Obviously, we were concerned about the condition of General Ashcroft. We obviously knew he had been ill and had surgery. And we never had any intent to ask anything of him if we did not feel that he was competent.

When we got there, I will just say that Mr. Ashcroft did most of the talking. We were there maybe five minutes -- five to six minutes.

Mr. Ashcroft talked about the legal issues in a lucid form, as I've heard him talk about legal issues in the White House. But at the end of his description of the legal issues, he said, "I'm not making this decision. The deputy attorney general is."

And so Andy Card and I thanked him. We told him that we would continue working with the deputy attorney general and we left.

And so I just wanted to put in context for this committee and the American people why Mr. Card and I went. It's because we had an emergency meeting in the White House Situation Room, where the congressional leadership had told us, "Continue going forward with this very important intelligence activity." >>>


Gonzales could see that some of the Senators were confused, and he offered to explain to them where the controversy resided, and why it was different from the "terrorist surveillance program" that President Bush had publicly disclosed. Of course, this would have to be done in closed session, since it involved disclosure of classified information:


<<< SPECTER: Going back to the question about your credibility on whether there was dissent within the administration as to the terrorist surveillance program, was there any distinction between the terrorist surveillance program in existence on March 10th, when you and the chief of staff went to see Attorney General Ashcroft, contrasted with the terrorist surveillance program which President Bush made public in December of 2005?

GONZALES: Senator, this is a question that I should answer in a classified setting, quite frankly, because now you're asking me to hint or talk -- to hint about our operational activities. And I'd be happy to answer that question, but in a classified setting. >>>


The Senators declined Gonzales's invitation. That tells you everything you need to know: they are not interested in learning the truth, but only in seeking political advantage. Finally, we have this colloquy between Schumer and Pat Leahy, who are sputtering over Gonzales's testimony that the controversial program was something other than the TSP:


<<< SCHUMER: But, Mr. Chairman, if I might, now what the attorney general is saying the way this is clarified is that Jim Comey was not talking about the program the president...

LEAHY: I'm going to ask for a review of the transcript, both of what Mr. Comey said...

SCHUMER: Everyone knows that's not true.

LEAHY: ... and what Mr. Gonzales said. There's a discrepancy here in sworn testimony. We're going to have to ask who's telling the truth, who's not. >>>


Actually, Schumer and Leahy were wrong. There is no discrepancy between what Gonzales said and what Comey testified to. As we noted here (see link below), Comey refused to identify the program that was controversial at the time of the hospital visit. Maybe a special prosecutor should be appointed to investigate Schumer and Leahy.

PAUL adds: Arlen Specter set a bad tone at the hearing. When Gonzales first testified that the hospital visit to Ashcroft pertained to other intelligence activities than the terrorist surveillance program the president announced to the American people, Specter asked "do you expect us to believe that?" The Dems and the MSM have been using Specter's reaction as cover for accusing Gonzales of lying about this. However, at a press conference in which he questioned Democratic calls for a special prosecutor in this matter, Specter, having had time to think things over, noted that a basis exists for believing that the Gonzales visit did in fact pertain to a different program.

Specter is a cranky old litigator (I'm beginning to know the feeling). He still has plenty of aggression (apparently that's the last thing to go), but his discernment seems to be waning. Yet unlike Schumer, Leahy, and company, Specter was honest enough to weigh the evidence after he cooled down, and to realize he had been too quick to attack on Gonzales on this point.

To comment on this post, go here.
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washingtonpost.com

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