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Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: geode00 who wrote (75456)9/4/2007 8:00:25 PM
From: Crimson Ghost  Respond to of 89467
 
Objectively Pro-War Democrats

Rick Perlstein says something here I think is worth repeating:
Supposed liberals, like my own senator, Illinois's Dick Durbin, pronounce themselves inclined to support the President's $197 billion supplemental request for Iraq funding--the one in which he tacked on an extra $50 billion at the last minute, perhaps just to prove that he could. Durbin said he would be for it in the same breadth as he noted to the Chicago Tribune that the request "seems likely to prolong troop levels at their current elevated number into the spring of 2008."
In other words, he's objectively pro-surge, and this even before the made-up report that's supposed to prove "progress."
If Democrats approve the additional 50 billion (and you know they will) they will be approving money for the war at a faster rate than the Republican Congress was. Remarkable.
Meanwhile, amongst the Democratic Presidential field, the main candidates, except for Richardson, appear to all want to leave residual forces in Iraq. Which is to say, despite on the one hand saying they "want to end the war", they actually don't, since as long as substantial numbers of troops are in Iraq (and enough troops to chase down Al-Qaeda is enough to be substantial), the insurgents won't stop attacking.
When Democrats passed the first supplemental, in one week they lost 10% approval ratings. That is, effectively, overnight.
The population of the US wants to leave Iraq. Iraqis want the US to leave Iraq. But neither Democrats nor Republicans want to leave Iraq. And that includes "liberals" like Durbin. They simply, objectively, do not wish to do so. We can speculate on the reasons - perhaps they are genuinely scared of being seen as "not supporting the troops" (ie, perhaps they're genuinely chickenshit); perhaps they are scared that George Bush will, if they don't give him money, arbitrarily get soldiers killed for no good reason by refusing to withdraw anyway; perhaps they are so caught up by Washington's elite (and generally wrong) foreign policy establishment and want to seem like reasonable adults to that group of "serious people"; perhaps, even, a few genuinely care about the possibility of genocide and want to stay as a result (though I really doubt most give a damn, Iraqi casualties never having bothered most of them every before).
Whatever the case is, most of them, as judged by their actions not their words, don't want to end the US's occupation of a foreign country that doesn't want them there.
Unfortunately for decision-makers in the US, however, who seem to still think that they create reality and that the decision is entirely theirs to make, the Iraqi resistance continues to slowly win the war - pushing the Brits out of Basra, destroying the ground transportation infrastructure necessary for resupply, and so on.
And the ethnic cleansing that is so feared "when the US leaves" is occuring at decent clip while the US is there, with Baghdad now a solidly majority Shia city, for example. I actually anticipate reduced violence in Baghdad in a few months, because hey, most of the Sunnis have already been killed or forced to flee.
Ethnic cleansing of that variety, of course, isn't about fighting the occupation army - it's about preparing for the war to come, when you don't want fifth column's of possible enemy supporters in your territory. Everyone's been doing it - Kurds cleansing out Sunnis and Shia; Shia cleansing out Sunnis and Kurds, and Sunnis cleansing out their areas as well.
The US isn't stopping it, indeed in its clumsy attempts to play factions off against each other, it's probably encouraging it.
And so the Iraq civil war goes on, the ethnic cleansing goes on, and so does the resistance against occupation. And meanwhile, in Washington, by bypartisan consensus, the occupation is never really expected to end, and the only difference for war policy between having Congress controlled by Democrats vs. Republicans has been that Democrats appear even more willing to give Bush money and rope than the Republicans were - but they whine about it more and try and pretend they are anti-war, when by their actions, not their words, it is clear that far too many of them are, objectively, for the occupation.

The Agonist



To: geode00 who wrote (75456)9/6/2007 7:12:46 AM
From: Crimson Ghost  Respond to of 89467
 
Democratically Controlled Congress Stands on the Brink of Irrelevance on Iraq
By Joshua Holland, AlterNet. Posted September 6, 2007.

The majority party is preparing to roll over, again, on Iraq.
Tools

Next week, Ryan Crocker, the U.S. Ambassador to Iraq, and General David Petraeus, the army's counter-insurgency guru, will brief Congress on the Bush administration's claims of progress in Iraq. At stake is not only the upper hand in the political debate over the continuing occupation, but an enormous amount of money -- $147 billion -- that was supposedly conditioned on tangible measures of progress, specifically 18 "benchmarks" attached to the 2007 supplemental spending bill.

According to a report by the non-partisan Government Accountability Office (GAO), only three of those benchmarks have been met, and those were among the minor ones (The White House has promised to "water down" the GAO's findings). In addition to rampant insecurity throughout much of the country, Iraq's political situation is, objectively, a disaster, and most Iraqis agree that U.S. troops cause more violence than they prevent.

But despite the reality on the ground, the administration last week threw a Hail-Mary pass, announcing that it would ask for another $50 billion for war-fighting in Iraq and Afghanistan through next Spring. That's in addition to $147 billion already requested for the two countries.

There's no reason to believe the administration won't get it -- consider how many times congressional Democrats have uttered some variant of "It's time we stopped giving Bush a blank check for Iraq" as they signed a series of blank checks for Iraq. Bush has proved that he can continue moving the goalposts again and again without being called on it by the media, and Congress has shown that it will let him, even eight months after the Democratic take-over of Capitol Hill.

It has become a game. The reality is that there is no $50 billion supplemental, and there won't be for several weeks (if at all this year). The stories about the new funding request are White House "plants," announced on the eve of the much-anticipated Iraq progress report in order to show confidence in the face of waning public support for the occupation and, more importantly, to divert the national conversation from the failure of the troop escalation -- a failure that should lead to a debate about how to exit Iraq with the minimum of damage -- to a new debate about whether higher troop levels should remain until next spring. You don't have to look too hard to see the goalposts moving.

It's much like the surge itself, a stop-gap measure that nobody seriously believed had a chance of changing the ugly situation in Iraq. It was, however, spectacularly successful in distracting the country from its post-election discourse about ending the occupation, focusing instead on the now-familiar argument that war opponents should wait until September's progress report. At that point, the tacit understanding was that Congress would rise up and demand an end to the war if the 18 benchmarks weren't met. Now that September is here, we're supposed to focus on the next shiny object.

The Democrats are reacting to this charade by conceding the battle before it begins, with Michigan's Carl Levin offering to remove a deadline from the amendment he and Jack Reed, D-R.I., co-sponsored (the deadline was already riddled with loopholes) and Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid offering to "compromise" with Senate Republicans by dropping his already watered-down demand for a spring "withdrawal."

As Dick Durbin, the senate majority whip, told the Chicago Tribune, "When it comes to the budget, I face a dilemma that some of my colleagues do." He opposes the war, but "felt that I should always provide the resources for the troops in the field."

That mean throwing good money (and lives) after bad. Here's the reality of the "surge":

Iraqi civilian and U.S. and Iraqi military and police deaths are up

The Iraqi government is tottering, and there is credible talk of an impending coup

The Iraqi people, still without regular electricity and water and fearing for their lives whenever they go out to buy groceries, want the United States out

40 percent of the middle class has fled the country
For more details, see "A Preview to General Petraeus' DC Dog-and-Pony Show" in AlterNet's War on Iraq special coverage.

What all this means is that unless the Democratic majority makes a dramatic turnaround and stops playing along with the White House -- a risky move, but one that's within their Constitutional authority -- they, along with the entire institution, will no longer be relevant voices in the debate over Iraq.



To: geode00 who wrote (75456)9/9/2007 3:59:56 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
Old School Inanity
_____________________________________________________________

By MAUREEN DOWD
Columnist
The New York Times
September 9, 2007

Dying for a daddy, the Republicans turn their hungry eyes to Fred.

Fred Thompson acts tough on screen. And like Ronald Reagan, he has a distinctively masculine timbre and an extremely involved wife.

In his announcement video, Mr. Thompson stood in front of a desk in what looked like, duh, a law office, rumbling reassuringly that in this “dangerous time” he would deal with “the safety and security of the American people.”

As Michelle Cottle wrote in The New Republic, far more than puffy-coiffed Mitt and even more than tough guys Rudy and McCain, the burly, 6-foot-5, 65-year-old Mr. Thompson exudes “old-school masculinity.”

“In Thompson’s presence (live or on-screen),” she wrote, “one is viscerally, intimately reassured that he can handle any crisis that arises, be it a renegade Russian sub or a botched rape case.” But she wondered, was he really “enough of a man for this fight,” or just someone who meandered through life, creating the illusion of a masculine mystique?

Newsweek reported that some close to the Tennessean “question whether moving into the White House is truly Thompson’s life ambition — or more the dream of his second wife, Jeri, a former G.O.P. operative who is his unofficial campaign manager and top adviser.”

It took only two days of campaigning to answer the masculine mystique question. Fred gave an interview to CNN’s John King as his bus rolled through Iowa.

“To what degree should the American people hold the president of the United States responsible for the fact that bin Laden is still at large six years later?” Mr. King asked.

“I think bin Laden is more of a symbolism than he is anything else,” Mr. Thompson drawled. “Bin Laden being in the mountains of Afghanistan or — or Pakistan is not as important as the fact that there’s probably Al Qaeda operatives inside the United States of America.”

Usually, you can only get that kind of exquisitely inane logic from the president. Who does Fred think is sending operatives or inspiring them to come?

Fred is not Ronnie; he’s warmed-over W. President Reagan always knew who the foe was.

Fred followed W.’s nutty lead of marginalizing Osama on a day when TV showed another creepy, fruitcake manifesto by the terrorist, who was wearing what seemed to be a fake beard left over from Woody Allen’s “Bananas” and bloviating on everything from the subprime mortgage crisis to the “woes” of global warming to a Kennedy assassination conspiracy theory to the wisdom of Noam Chomsky to the unwisdom of Richard Perle to the heartwarming news that Muslims have lived with Jews and not “incinerated them” to the need to “continue to escalate the killing and fighting” against American kids in Iraq.

Can we please get someone in charge who will stop whining that Osama is hiding in “harsh terrain,” hunt him down and blast him forward to the Stone Age?

Fred must have missed the news of the administration’s intelligence estimate in July deeming Al Qaeda rejuvenated and “a persistent and evolving terrorist threat” to Americans.

Pressed by Mr. King on the fact that the Bush hawks went after Saddam instead of Osama, Fred continued to sputter: “You — you’re — you’re not served up these issues one at a time. They — they come when they come, and you have to — you have to deal with them.”

Democrats pounced. John Edwards issued a statement saying, “That bin Laden is still at large is Bush’s starkest failure.” John McCain and Rudy Giuliani also stressed the need to take out Osama.

Fred quickly caved on the matter of men in caves. At a rally later in the day he manned up. “Apparently Osama bin Laden has crawled out of his cave long enough to send another video and he is getting a lot of attention,” he said, “and ought to be caught and killed.”

He continued to insist that killing bin Laden would not end the terrorist threat, without realizing that this is true now because, by not catching bin Laden, W. allowed him to explode into an inspirational force for jihadists.

Republicans are especially eager for a papa after their disappointing experiences with Junior. After going through so many shattering disasters, W. seems more the inexperienced kid than ever.

In Australia, the president called Australian soldiers in Iraq “Austrian troops,” and got into a weird to-and-fro on TV with the South Korean president.

W. cooperated with Ropert Draper, the author of a new biography of him, yet the portrait was not flattering. Like a frat president sitting around with the brothers trying to figure out whether to party with Tri-Delts or Thetas, W. asked his advisers for a show of hands last year to see if Rummy should stay on. And W. is obsessed with getting the Secret Service to arrange his biking trails.

“What kind of male,” one of his advisers wondered aloud, “obsesses over his bike riding time, other than Lance Armstrong or a 12-year-old boy?”