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Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: American Spirit who wrote (75498)9/14/2007 8:24:11 AM
From: Crimson Ghost  Respond to of 89467
 
You are pathetic AS.

Nobody is against the Bushies and all they stand for than me.

But just because the Bushies are the lowest scum on earth does not excuse the horrendous failure of the Democrats to do much about them and indeed to enable Bush to continue the war year after year.

I would go further and say that many AIPAC worshipping Dems find nothing wrong with the brutal aggression against Iraq except that the US is losing and the costs are much greater than anticipated.



To: American Spirit who wrote (75498)9/16/2007 3:50:12 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
The Presidential

digbysblog.blogspot.com

by digby

A very savvy friend of mine, a political player of many years, has put together a memo for various interested parties about the lay of the political landscape which he has allowed me to share with you. I'll excerpt passages in various posts over the next week or so, but I thought you might be interested today on his thoughts on the presidential race:

The Presidential

As we are only one-quarter of the way through the longest and first open election in decades, most pundit predictions are, no doubt, wildly premature. Pundits in Washington read early and inconclusive polls. They then sometimes venture to real America like anthropologists (think David Brooks or Broder) but manage to return with their preconceptions remarkably intact.

There will be many surprises and most Americans will quite sensibly not begin to pay real attention to all this until the holidays. Still, the level of interest in this Presidential election now is higher than any election since 1992. One can say that this summer’s YouTube/CNN debate did conclusively prove that “regular” Americans ask far better questions than Wolf Blitzer.

What we know, so far, is that Hillary Clinton runs a very efficient and nearly error free campaign. There is no question of her sizable lead in early national polls. John Edwards is running an unabashedly liberal campaign about the economic divide in this country. He will take chances. Barack Obama has built an amazing network of financial and presumably grassroots supporters and continues to demonstrate tremendous potential. It is hard to see much of an opening for Senators Dodd or Biden, and Bill Richardson needs to win the Nevada caucus to move into serious contention.

The Republicans are in some trouble in part because there is no heir apparent to anoint with the nomination. Their current putative frontrunner, Rudy Giuliani, is somewhat radioactive to the right to lifers, gun lobby and nativists at the base of the party. Certainly, he does echo the neocons well. He also has a trainload of personal baggage. Fred Thompson parachutes into the race from his perch on TV, but he also raises a series of questions. Most of his career has been as a lobbyist. Either he or Mike Huckabee will become the Southern conservative in the race. History has shown this is not a bad place to be in the GOP. Ron Paul, the Libertarian Congressman, is going to do better than expected.

John McCain, who was supposed to be next in line in the GOP hierarchy, spent all his money, though he can qualify for federal funding. He is still unpopular with the base even though he turned himself into a pretzel supporting Bush, thus destroying his moderate appeal. Mitt Romney’s political views are, shall we say, elastic. His religion is apparently a real problem with the evangelicals who make up the GOP base vote in several early primary states. But he may prove least objectionable to the various GOP factions and could prove tough in the general, as he morphs back to a Northeast Governor running as a Washington outsider.

The disgraced Newt Gingrich will not run but he labels the GOP field “pygmies.” Someone will emerge though rather quickly in the primaries. The failed leader Bush will be pushed to stage right. The Republicans have proven as good at both the mechanics and stagecraft of modern political campaigns as they have been as incompetent at governance. So expect a very close race in the end.

Because of the absurd early start and frontloading of the primaries, it is likely there will be party nominees in February, unless there is a split in all early primaries and no one has any momentum. This means six months say, before the Democratic nominee can spend general election money, so the presumed nominee will have to work to stay in front of the distracted public. There will likely be little money for paid communication during this period by the candidates, so the premium will be on earned media. Maybe next time the DNC should consider some time before the end of August for a convention. The Party though can spend in the interim going after the GOP nominee.

The Bush undertow on the GOP is severe and history indicates an incumbent party with this unpopular a President has difficulty winning another term. Only once in the last five tries (Bush in ’88) has a party succeeded in three consecutive terms. Reagan’s approval numbers were 20 points higher than Bush’s will be next year. The Republican issue agenda is out of favor with the public. So, the GOP and its allies will run a scorched earth campaign with character assassination of the nominee front and center. It will make George Bush’s 1988 campaign against Michael Dukakis look like child’s play. An independent media campaign should begin next spring reminding voters of the many failures of the Bush and the entire GOP agenda. The GOP nominee should be tied around Bush, his failed policies, and anemic approval rating.

Hillary Clinton is the most centrist of the major Democratic candidates for the nomination while the broader electorate views her as the most liberal. This is not surprising as this has been the right wing campaign against her since 1992. If she is the nominee, the Republicans will plan their whole effort to make her the issue and to drive up her “unfavorables,” already in the high 40s. Of course they have already thrown the kitchen sink at her so who knows how much further opinion can be driven against her. Certainly she is far more unpopular in red geography that no Democrat would carry anyway. What a white guy in Georgia thinks about her really doesn’t matter. Democrats in red and purple geography though are concerned about the down ballot effect if she pulls out all the haters. The key question remains whether she can dampen negative perceptions through her performance. She managed that in upstate New York in her Senate race. There is little time for that type of retail politics in the Presidential. It is naive though to think there will not be a further smear of Bill Clinton’s private life. Kathleen Willey already has her book ready, and Wolf Blitzer, likely, has the interview already booked.

No doubt, there will be a quasi-racist campaign against Obama if he wins the nomination with an emphasis that he is “not one of us” given that exotic background and middle name. Suddenly, the media establishment has decided “experience” is the central criteria in a President. Too bad that was not the hurdle in 2000.

One journalist at the Atlantic wrote that the political press hated Edwards and tried to bury him in the first quarter. In addition, his economic prescriptions are viewed with great alarm by the merchants of the status quo. The right wing is also busy trying to push that he is not a macho “real” man like Rudy and Fred Thompson.

Bush though has smashed the Republican Party brand among Independents and has served to unite the ever-fractious Democrats. Whether this is just a reaction to the current neocon/Dixie politics is, of course, open to debate. The components for a more progressive coalition, even if temporary, are in place. The self-identified number of Democrats and Independent leaners to the Democrats is at the highest level since 1992.

The recent Democracy Corps memo has a number of encouraging sign posts:
The Democrats have an average lead of 12 points in the general Presidential and
9 points in the named Congressional ballot.

Democratic geography is solid right now while many red areas are evenly divided.

Democrats are now carrying White Catholics who Bush carried in 2004 by 13 points. No one can win the White House without the Catholic vote.

Democrats maintain a 2 to 1 lead with currently unmarried women and are marginally ahead with married women who Bush handily carried.

Among younger voters the margins keep growing. The generic Democratic nominee even has a 14-point lead among white voters under 30.

The current overconfidence in Democratic quarters though is a bit unwarranted. One only needs to remember Mike Dukakis and his 17-point July1988 lead. At this point in 2004, two 527s, ACT and the Media Fund were on their way towards raising and executing a $200 million-plus field and media effort. In many key states, this was the de-facto field program for John Kerry and a program of some relative scale needs to be mounted quickly. Bush and the right wing 527s still outspent Kerry and liberal 527s by $20 million in Ohio in 2004 according to one very informed observer.

Thanks to the Bush Supreme Court, corporations are now free to give unlimited money right up to Election Day on persuasion ads. Several magic words cannot be used. As a general rule, major corporations do not like Democrats controlling the White House and the Congress. So imagine one industry group, the insurers and drug companies under the GOPs current Medicare drug benefit and privatization schemes. The 10-year estimate from all of us transfering to these industries is in the hundreds of billions of dollars. So if they spend 1% to maintain this cash flow, it amounts to a rounding error. Halliburton and the rest of the war profiteers certainly have a vested interest in the GOPs theory of war without end. The oil and coal industries have similarly large stakes. So one should expect a great deal of independent spending during the year knocking down the Democratic nominee and it will be difficult to trace the origin of much of the money until later. Some spending will be done by make believe trade associations, others by newly created 527s.

The GOP nominee also has less electoral geography about which to be concerned. It also may be wishful thinking, for instance, to imagine West Virginia in the Democratic column. Florida is a reach, as is Virginia. If Rudy is the nominee, New Jersey certainly must be watched. Romney puts New Hampshire in serious play. It could get worse. An initiative currently circulating for the June 2008 ballot in California by the GOP would change the electoral votes to the winner by Congressional district instead of by state. If passed, this initiative would push 20-plus electoral votes to the GOP and could make the Democratic states won in 2000/2004 plus Ohio not enough for the Democrat. Winning Colorado, Nevada, New Mexico and Arizona would be required. The Democrats are organizing to fight back but it will cost and divert money. Maybe next time, the Democrats should play offense by proposing a similar measure in Florida.

So there remain many serious obstacles in the path of any Democratic nominee, despite the current good news.

That money angle is especially important and something I don't think many of us in the Netroots are quite prepared for. The Democrats will be forced to rely on free media for nearly six months if the primary is decided as early as everyone thinks it will be. We need to think about how to deal with that.

And then there is the specter of corporations spending unlimited dollars on "persuasion" ads. This could be very powerful stuff, using the full energy of corporate marketing and advertising to sell the Republicans to a country that doesn't want them. It works all the time in the marketplace. We'll see if they can pull it off in politics.

As my friend notes, the Republicans are very good at campaigning and character assassination. It's what they do best, and the Democrats just simply don't have an equal talent. When you combine it with the GOP's nearly limitless access to money, it's a serious mistake to assume that the Dems can't lose. In a world where vast amounts of Republican money and corporate liars weren't available to bombard the people with an alternate reality, perhaps we could relax and assume that their epically disastrous performance in office would automatically disqualify them from winning any further elections for a while. But we don't live in that world. It's would be a very good idea to be prepared for some very, very nasty trench warfare.



To: American Spirit who wrote (75498)9/17/2007 1:17:20 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Greenspan Misses Cheney’s Memo: Spills the Beans on Oil

commondreams.org



To: American Spirit who wrote (75498)9/21/2007 6:09:57 AM
From: Crimson Ghost  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
Paul Begala|

Democrats Should Attack Bush, Not MoveOn


Before a single Democrat condemns MoveOn's ad, they should insist that George W. Bush and the Republican Party repudiate the anti-military smears on war heroes that have been the hallmark of Mr. Bush's political career.

Too many Democrats still think Mr. Bush's presidency is on the level. Let's be clear. Mr. Bush is not leading a serious, sober discussion about public discourse during a war. He wants to divide progressives and score political points. We should not let him. Throughout his career he's been willing to tolerate and benefit from vicious lies about military men. We should not concede that he is legitimately angry now.

Mr. Bush is, as he likes to say, a loving guy. But by golly the MoveOn.org ad criticizing Gen. David Petraeus has him madder than Larry Craig in a pay toilet.

When a "reporter" asked him a loaded question about the MoveOn ad (not mentioning, for example, that Petraeus wrote an op-ed in support of the Bush Iraq policy a few weeks before the 2004 election), Bush swung for the fences. But then again, he's always been pretty good at T-Ball - and this was definitely teed up for him.

He slammed MoveOn, repeating language he used Wednesday in a meeting with right-wing columnists, saying that criticizing Petraeus is tantamount to attacking the entire US military, and expressing astonishment that leading Democrats have not attacked MoveOn as courageously as Bush has.

Before Democrats fall all over themselves to agree with a president whose trust and honesty rating from the American people is even lower than his IQ, let's look at the real record of Bush's cowardice when it comes to speaking out against attacks on military heroes:

In the 2000 South Carolina primary, George W. Bush stood next to a man described as a "fringe" figure - a man who had attacked Bush's own father - at a Bush rally. With Bush applauding him, the man said John McCain "abandoned" veterans. McCain, who was tortured in a North Vietnamese POW camp, was incensed. Five U.S. Senators who fought in Vietnam, including Democrats John Kerry, Max Cleland and Bob Kerrey, condemned the attack and called on Bush to repudiate it. When pressed on it at a debate hosted by CNN's Larry King, Bush meekly muttered that he shouldn't be held responsible for what others say. Even when he's standing next to them at a Bush rally.

In the 2002 campaign, draft dodger Saxby Chambliss ran an ad with pictures of Osama bin Laden and Saddam Hussein, then said Sen. Max Cleland lacked courage. Max Cleland left three limbs in Vietnam as an Army captain. Mr. Bush's political aide, Karl Rove, later refused to disavow the ad, saying, "President Bush and the White House don't write the ads for Senate candidates."

Also in the 2002 campaign, the PAC for the Family Research Council, a close Bush ally, ran an ad in South Dakota that pictured Sen. Tom Daschle and Saddam Hussein. "What do Saddam Hussein and Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle have in common?" the ad asked. Apparently, they both opposed drilling in the Arctic wilderness. First, I had no idea that supporting drilling in the wilderness is a family values issue. Second, I have seen no reporting on the late Iraqi dictator's position on Alaska drilling. But I do know Tom Daschle is an Air Force veteran. Mr. Bush never disavowed the smear.

But perhaps the worst was what was done to John Kerry. Kerry earned five major medals in combat: the Silver Star, the Bronze Star and three Purple Hearts. And yet supporters of Bush and Cheney decided to smear his war record. The despicable, dishonest Swift Boat attacks alleged that Kerry fabricated reports that earned him the Bronze Star. The Swifties also suggested that Kerry's wounds were insignificant - and that one was even self-inflicted. Kerry's wounds were certainly more serious than Mr. Bush's, who suffered a cut on his finger from popping a beer can while avoiding his duty in the Alabama National Guard. At the 2000 GOP convention, rich, white Republicans were photographed gleefully putting Band-Aids with purple hearts on their chubby cheeks. Mr. Bush refused to condemn the attack - blandly noting he didn't like 527 groups generally - and later nominated one of the men who financed the smear to be Ambassador to Belgium.

Mr. Bush is a coward and a bully. He knows he'll never be the kind of hero his father was. He knows he lacks the heroism of John Kerry or Max Cleland, so he overcompensates with bluster and bravado. In fact, he told bloggers recently that he wishes he were fighting in Iraq. The Washington Post's Dan Froomkin reported that Bush told a blogger in Iraq that he'd like to be carrying a 50-pound pack and an M-16, but, "One, I'm too old to be out there. And, two, they'd notice me."

So Mr. Bush is too old to fight in Iraq, and he was too rich and well-connected to fight in Vietnam. But he's itchin' for a fight with a progressive interest group. Does anyone believe he'd have the same outrage if a right-wing group were attacking war heroes? Of course not.



To: American Spirit who wrote (75498)9/22/2007 1:17:44 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
Blackwater, Oil and the Colonial Enterprise
_____________________________________________________________

Published on Saturday, September 22, 2007 by The Nation

by John Nichols

Blackwater USA’s mercenary mission in Iraq is very much in the news this week, and rightly so. The private military contractor’s war-for-profit program, which has been so brilliantly exposed by Jeremy Scahill, may finally get a measure of the official scrutiny it merits as the corporation scrambles to undo the revocation by the Iraqi government of its license to operate in that country. There will be official inquiries in Baghdad, and in Washington. The U.S. Congress might actually provide some of the oversight that is its responsibility. Perhaps, and this is a big “perhaps,” Blackwater’s “troops” could come home before the U.S. soldiers who have been forced to fight, and die, in defense of these international rent-a-cops.

But it is not the specific story of Blackwater that matters so much as the broader story of imperial excess that it illustrates.

If Blackwater, with an assist from the U.S. government, beats back the attempt by the Iraqis to regulate the firm’s activities — as now appears likely, considering Friday’s reports that the firm has resumed guarding U.S. State Department convoys in Baghdad — we will have all the confirmation that is needed of the great truth of the U.S. occupation of Iraq: This is a colonial endeavor no different than that of the British Empire against America’s founding generation revolted.

But even if Blackwater loses its fight to stay, even if the corporation is forced to shut down its multi-billion dollar, U.S. Treasury-funded operation in Iraq, the brief “accountability moment” may not be sufficient to open up the necessary debate about Iraq’s colonial status. The danger, for Iraq and the United States, that honest assessment of the crisis will lose out to face-saving gestures designed to foster the fantasy of Iraqi independence.

It is not enough that Blackwater is shamed and perhaps sanctioned. A Blackwater exit from Iraq will mean little if its mercenary contracts are merely taken over by one or more of the 140 other U.S.-sanctioned private security firms operating in that country — such as Vice President Dick Cheney’s Halliburton.

Whatever the precise play out of this Blackwater moment may be, the likelihood is that the colonial enterprise will continue. That’s because, in the absence of intense pressure from grassroots activists and the media, Congress is unlikely to go beyond a scratch at the surface of what is actually going on in Iraq.

The deeper discussion requires that a discussion about the substance that no less a figure than former Federal Reserve chairman Alan Greenspan describes as the reason for the invasion and occupation of this particular Middle Eastern land: oil

The Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. aptly observed that “colonialism was made for domination and for exploitation,” and there is no substance that the Bush-Cheney administration is more interested in dominating and exploiting than oil.

Thus, while it is right to pay close attention to the emerging discussion about Blackwater’s wicked work in Iraq, Americans would do well to pay an equal measure of attention to the still largely submerged discussion about an Iraqi oil deal that will pay huge benefits to the Hunt Oil Company, a Texas firm closely linked to the administration. How closely? When he was running Halliburton, Cheney invited Hunt Oil Company CEO Ray Hunt to serve on the firm’s board of directors. Hunt, a “Bush Pioneer” fund raiser during in 2000 who went on to serve as

donated the tidy sum of $35 million to the Bush presidential library building fund.

The new “production sharing agreement” between Hunt Oil and the Kurdistan Regional Government puts one of the administration’s favorite firms in a position to reap immeasurable profits while undermining essential efforts to assure that Iraq’s oil revenues will be shared by all Iraqis. Hunt’s deal upsets hopes that Iraq’s mineral wealth might ultimately be a source of stability, replacing the promise of economic equity with the prospect of a black-gold rush that will only widen inequalities and heighten ethnic and regional resentments.

The Hunt deal is so sleazy — and so at odds with the stated goals of the Iraqi government and the U.S. regarding the sharing of oil revenues — that even Bush has acknowledged that U.S. embassy officials in Baghdad are deeply concerned about it. What Bush and Cheney have been slow to mention is the fact that Iraq’s oil minister, Hussain al-Shahristani, says the deal is illegal.

As with the Blackwater imbroglio, however, there is no assurance that the stance of the Iraqi government is definitional with regard to what happens in Iraq.

That is why it is disturbing that, for the most part, members of Congress — even members who say they do not want the United States to have a long-term presence in Iraq — have been slow to start talking about Hunt’s oil rigging.

One House member who has raised the alarm is Ohio Democrat Dennis Kucinich, who in his capacity as a key member of the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, has asked the committee’s chairman, California Democrat Henry Waxman, to launch an investigation into the Hunt Oil deal.

“As I have said for five years, this war is about oil,” Kucinich, who is mounting an anti-war bid for the Democratic presidential nomination, declared on the floor of the House this week. “The Bush Administration desires private control of Iraqi oil, but we have no right to force Iraq to give up control of their oil. We have no right to set preconditions to Iraq which lead Iraq to giving up control of their oil. The Constitution of Iraq designates that the oil of Iraq is the property for all Iraqi people.”

With that in mind, Kucinich explains, “I am calling for a Congressional investigation to determine the role the Administration may have played in the Hunt-Kurdistan deal, the effect the deal will have on the oil revenue sharing plan and the attempt by the Administration to privatize Iraqi oil.”

Waxman has been ahead of the curve on Blackwater, seeking testimony from the firm’s chairman at hearings scheduled for early October.

But Waxman needs to expand his focus, and the way to do that is by heeding Kucinich’s call for an investigation into the Hunt deal.

That inquiry should begin with two fundamental questions:

Who runs Iraq — the Iraqis or their colonial overlords in Washington?

And, if the claim is that the Iraqis are in charge, then why is Ray Hunt about to start steering revenues from that country’s immense oil wealth into the same Texas bank accounts that have so generously funded the campaigns of George Bush and Dick Cheney?