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Politics : American Presidential Politics and foreign affairs -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: sandintoes who wrote (23967)11/4/2007 9:32:14 PM
From: Peter Dierks  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 71588
 
Hillary Boo Hoos after Debate
by Jennifer Rubin
Posted 11/02/2007 ET

After Tuesday’s debate, Hillary Clinton’s advisors and spinners did a whole lot of complaining about her opponents’ tactics. It is a familiar routine for Hillary. In her first Senate run against the diminutive Rick Lazio, Hillary cried foul when we walked over to her podium to give her a piece of paper. “Menacing” and “threatening,” she and her aides claimed at this invasion of her personal space.

Well old habits die hard. After Tuesday’s night’s not-that-rough encounter with moderator Tim Russert and her somewhat hapless rivals Hillary’s spin team went into overdrive contending that these men had all ganged up on her. She put out a memo entitled “The Politics of Pile-On” which complained: “Sadly, Senator Obama caved to the pressure of the pundits and fundraisers who demanded that he go negative and abandoned the ‘politics of hope’ message that sparked so much interest in him early in the campaign. Meanwhile, Senator Edwards doubled down in his effort to become the guy best known for attacking other Democrats. Not to be outdone, the rest of the pack followed suit and piled on in the hope that they’d get some media attention.” Then the Hillary team sliced and diced the debate footage to show her various competitors all chiming in with their attacks on her in a montage of “Senator Clintons.”

In the spin room after the debate her handlers argued that there is not “another candidate could have taken two hours of sustained attack from the other candidates and come out on top” and that her rivals were “guys [who] want to talk about caricatures that have been formed from 15 years of Republican attacks.”

The Hill reported that in a conference call with supporters her pollster Mark Penn pointed his finger at Russert, declaring: “Russert made it appear that President Clinton had done something new or unusual” and groused that “ the other candidates were asked questions like, ‘Is there life in outer space?’ ”

Unsurprisingly, her MSM defenders picked up on the theme, and seemed taken aback that Russert was able to take Hillary to task on her answer on the unreleased Clinton papers and her social security two-stepping , labeling him “her third toughest opponent” (NY Times) and “the only person on stage who appeared to leave Clinton unnerved” (LA Times).

Hillary often argues that there are those who don’t want a woman to be president and often flashes her feminist credentials. But this after the fact whining hardly seems an appropriate response from an empowered and confident woman to the normal verbal sparring that accompanies every campaign. Her Republican counterparts joust with one another on a range of issues from immigration to taxes and routinely question each other’s consistency and credibility. In the general election will the GOP nominee expected to play by different rules when Hillary is the opponent?

Indeed it is sometimes difficult to follow the Hillary rules of etiquette. On one hand she claims to have the most experienced of any Democratic contender and cites her years as First Lady to demonstrate her “lifelong” fight for children and healthcare. However, the notion that she is the poster girl for nepotism and unqualified in her own right brings howls of “sexism” from her supporters.

Clinton contends that she will be her own candidate and hers her own presidency yet she relies on her husband to rein in a key endorsement from big labor from the SEIU and surrounds herself with advisors from her husband’s administration ranging from Madeline Albright to Sandy Berger. Is she able to attract support and talent on her own or must she rely on her husband’s rolodex?

This much is clear from the debate and its aftermath: she does not take criticism or challenge well. Grilled by Russert as to whether she and her husband would release records from the Clinton White House she retorted in a testy voice: “Well, that’s not my decision to make, and I don’t believe that any president or first lady ever has. But, certainly, we’re move as quickly as our circumstances and the processes of the National Archives permits.”

Pressed on whether she was answering questions on social security differently in public and private she again resorted to her sharp toned defensive stance, insisting: “Well, but everybody knows what the possibilities are, Tim. Everybody knows that.”

Annoyed with Russert’s follow up on her support for the Charlie Rangel tax bill, she insisted: “ No, I didn’t say that, Tim. I said that I’m in favor of doing something about the AMT. How we do it and how we put the package together everybody knows is extremely complicated. It’s not going to happen while George Bush is president. Everybody knows that. I want to get to a fair and progressive tax system.”

Then, of course, her worst moment came when she simply could not suffer the attacks on her driver’s license position(s) and further and told Russert to back off, declaring: “ You know, Tim, this is where everybody plays ‘gotcha.’ It makes a lot of sense. What is the governor supposed to do? He is dealing with a serious problem. We have failed. And George Bush has failed. Do I think this is the best thing for any governor to do? No. But do I understand the sense of real desperation, trying to get a handle on this? Remember, in New York, we want to know who’s in New York. We want people to come out of the shadows. He’s making an honest effort to do it. We should have passed immigration reform.”

The next day, cornered, she said she really does after all support driver’s licenses for illegal aliens.

So the lesson for her Democratic rivals and her eventual Republican opponent is plain. She doesn’t like it when the guns are turned on her and will complain bitterly about the mean fellow(s) making her uncomfortable. The smart opponent will ignore the histrionics and recognize those signs as evidence his attacks have landed. And when all else fails, a new adage may be in order: “There’s no whining in politics!”

Ms. Rubin, a HumanEvents.com columnist, lives in Virginia.

humanevents.com



To: sandintoes who wrote (23967)11/7/2007 1:22:43 AM
From: Peter Dierks  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 71588
 
Hating Rudy
The Angry Left finds a new target.

BY PHILIP KLEIN
Monday, November 5, 2007 12:01 a.m. EST

"Rudy Giuliani [is] probably the most underqualified man since George Bush to seek the presidency," Sen. Joe Biden declared during Tuesday's Democratic debate in Philadelphia. "There's only three things he mentions in a sentence: a noun and a verb and 9/11."

The crowd roared with laughter, and liberal blogger Josh Marshall wrote, "Okay, I may have to endorse Biden after this tear against Rudy."

With the end of the dreaded Bush era approaching, Rudy Giuliani has slowly begun to supplant the president as the leading hate figure among liberals, a reality that will only help Mr. Giuliani in his efforts to overcome his differences with conservatives and win the Republican nomination.

Within the past month, The New Republic, The Nation and The Washington Monthly have all run anti-Giuliani cover stories, with the last one declaring that, "as president, Giuliani would grab even more executive power than Bush and Cheney."

In the Boston Globe, James Carroll wrote of Mr. Giuliani, "He's like a gang leader now, roving the streets, looking for some punk to bash. Iran will do."

This sentiment has dominated liberal blogs, where a general consensus has formed that Mr. Giuliani would be the worst president imaginable. Mr. Giuliani's decision to include neoconservative icon Norman Podhoretz on his foreign-policy advisory team has also triggered liberal paranoia about his determination to attack Iran. Lost in all the fuss is the fact that Charles Hill, a Yale professor, is actually Mr. Giuliani's top adviser. What Mr. Giuliani and Mr. Hill have both emphasized is that if America makes it clear that it will not hesitate to use military force, diplomacy has a much more realistic chance of succeeding. Not that this line of reasoning would win over any of his critics on the left.

"If you want to spend enormous amounts of money and kill millions of people in service of policies that will be counterproductive for both democracy and American national security then Rudy's your man," wrote The American Prospect's Scott Lemieux in a post titled "Stop Rudy." Mr. Giuliani's deviations from conservatives don't score him any points among the left, either. Mr. Lemieux's colleague, Dana Goldstein, pleaded with her fellow progressives to "stop calling Rudy Giuliani pro-choice."

The possibility of a Giuliani presidency had the Atlantic's Matthew Yglesias struggling for words: "One thing I'm wrestling with is finding a way to convey how terrified I am of the prospect of a Rudy Giuliani presidency in terms of its impact on our foreign policy."

But Talking Point Memo's Mr. Marshall comes close to best explaining why Mr. Giuliani is worse than Mitt Romney. "I know I've said before that Romney's profound and almost incalculable phoniness is a terrifying prospect to behold in a possible president. But the danger of phoniness, aesthetic or otherwise, cannot hold a candle to the truly catastrophic foreign policy Giuliani would likely pursue if he got anywhere near the Oval Office," Mr. Marshall wrote.

The Giuliani hate fest has also infiltrated the airwaves, where Keith Olbermann has made bashing Rudy a daily feature on his show. Last Monday, an Olbermann segment entitled "Rudy Giuliani: The next Dick Cheney?" was about Mr. Giuliani's penchant for "secrecy" and "proclivity for executive power..."

This was followed up on Tuesday with a segment that began with a graphic featuring Mr. Giuliani, President Bush in the background and the words "Bush on Steroids"--a reference to John Edwards's comment that Mr. Giuliani shares Mr. Bush's love of "crony capitalism."

The segment revealed, just as with Mr. Bush, the media have no problem broadcasting factual errors when targeting Mr. Giuliani. Mr. Olbermann misquoted Mr. Giuliani as saying that Democrats wanted to invite Osama bin Laden to the White House. In actuality, Mr. Giuliani didn't say Osama, he said Assad, as in Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, one of the leaders whom Barack Obama did in fact say he would be willing to meet with in Washington with no preconditions within the first year of his administration. Making the incident even more absurd, Mr. Olbermann ran the video clip of Mr. Giuliani's remarks on his show, and it was clear that Mr. Giuliani said "Assad." How clear? The transcript appearing on the official MSNBC Web site for Mr. Olbermann's show had Mr. Giuliani saying "Assad" in the video clip.

Nevertheless, Mr. Olbermann asked his guest Arianna Huffington to comment on whether the former mayor was being hyperbolic or lying.

"Well, he's lying and also every day he reveals more and more of himself," Ms. Huffington said. "And you can see that he really has the soul of a thug and the disposition of a tyrant."

Ms. Huffington repeated the false Giuliani-Osama quote, and later in the interview, she added: "He's kind of channeling Rush Limbaugh. He's making the lunatic fringe mainstream."

And Mr. Olbermann wondered, "Has it reached a level yet where we should be considering examining whether or not this is compulsive lying that there is something endemic to [Giuliani]? Or [is] this specific purpose-driven lies?"

One might ask the same about Mr. Olbermann. Even though the Associated Press issued a correction to its story that misquoted Mr. Giuliani following a report on AmSpecBlog, as of this writing, Mr. Olbermann has not corrected his erroneous segment. His spokeswoman did not return three calls or an email sent from The American Spectator asking whether the news channel planned to correct the error, and if not, to explain its corrections policy.

The irony, of course, is that the more vocal, vicious and unfounded the liberal attacks on Mr. Giuliani become, the easier it is for him to make his case to conservative primary voters that they agree on a lot more than they disagree. Mr. Giuliani has often cited his liberal foes to burnish his own conservative credentials.

"I find it difficult understanding those who try to make me out as an activist for liberal causes," Mr. Giuliani said at his recent speech to the Family Research Council's Value Voters Summit. "If you think that, just read any New York Times editorial while I was mayor of New York City."

For a long time, Mr. Giuliani's liberal adversaries from New York were convinced that there was no way he could win the Republican nomination, but as it has become a more realistic possibility, their worries have grown.

"It's totally unbelievable," Rep. Charles Rangel (D., N.Y.), lamented in the New York Observer of Mr. Giuliani's resilience in the presidential race. "I refuse to believe that this could possibly happen to our country. I have too much confidence in our country to believe that this could really happen."

With enemies like Mr. Rangel, does Mr. Giuliani need friends?

Mr. Klein is a reporter for The American Spectator.

opinionjournal.com