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To: LindyBill who wrote (227046)11/6/2007 7:54:58 AM
From: DMaA  Respond to of 793916
 
Giving back makes perfect sense in the Christian religious context which is where the idea originates. Everything you have comes from God so it makes sense to use it for His purposes.

It makes no sense and in fact is destructive in a secular context. In the secular context, who "gave" it to you in the first place? The implication is the collective. A Christian and an athiest can both agree that that is wrong wrong wrong.

In the Christian context, everyone is free to buy into the concept or not, let your concience be your guide. In the secular context, give back or we'll take it back.

This is right out of the statist play book - take an honored an accepted idea, keep the wording, strip out the meaning and pour in completely new meaning. To quote my mother, that's how they get you ya know.



To: LindyBill who wrote (227046)11/7/2007 3:51:11 PM
From: Neeka  Respond to of 793916
 
Limbaugh had a 36 yr old college student caller today that spoke of having to take a course in diversity as part of the curriculum. She said that the text books for that course went out of their way to try to make her feel embarrassed and ashamed to be white.

Of course liberals love to divide us with it, but until or unless mankind decides to set aside the word "victim", we stand no chance what so ever of progressing equally. Or of moving forward and solving real problems.



To: LindyBill who wrote (227046)11/7/2007 4:37:31 PM
From: goldworldnet  Respond to of 793916
 
Thomas Sowell is such a great guy, I thought it would be nice to post his bio.

Thomas Sowell

en.wikipedia.org

Thomas Sowell (born June 30, 1930), is an American economist, political writer, and commentator. While often described as a "black conservative", he prefers not to be labeled, and considers himself more libertarian than conservative.[1] He often writes from an economically laissez faire perspective. He is currently a senior fellow of the Hoover Institution at Stanford University. In 1990, he won the Francis Boyer Award, presented by the American Enterprise Institute. In 2002 he was awarded the National Humanities Medal for prolific scholarship melding history, economics, and political science.

Education

Sowell was born in North Carolina, where, he recounts, his encounters with white people were so limited that he didn't believe that "yellow" was a possible color for human hair (A Personal Odyssey), and later moved with his mother's sister (who he thought was his mother) and siblings (his father died before he was born) to Harlem, New York City. There he attended the highly selective Stuyvesant High School, but dropped out when he moved out on his own at the age of 17 because of money problems and a deteriorating home environment.[2] Soon after, he served in the US Marine Corps as a photographer and pistol instructor.

After his service, he first enrolled in college at Howard University, but earned an B.A. in Economics from Harvard College, an M.A. in Economics from Columbia University, and a Ph.D. in Economics from the University of Chicago. He chose University of Chicago, he has said, because he wanted to study under George Stigler, who would later (in 1982) win the Nobel Prize in Economics. Sowell has taught at prominent American universities including Howard University, Cornell University, Brandeis University, and UCLA. Since 1980 he has been a Senior Fellow of the Hoover Institution at Stanford University, where he holds the fellowship named after Rose and Milton Friedman.

Writings

Sowell is both a popular columnist and an academic economist.

Besides scholarly writing, Sowell has written books, articles and syndicated columns for a general audience, in such publications as Forbes Magazine, The Wall Street Journal, and major newspapers. Sowell primarily writes on economic subjects, generally advocating a free market approach to capitalism. Sowell opposes Marxism, providing a critique in his book Marxism: Philosophy and Economics. He also argues that, contrary to popular perception, Marx never held to a labor theory of value. Sowell also writes on racial topics and is a critic of affirmative action.[4] [5]

Summary of some of Sowell's thought and philosophy

This section briefly summarizes some of the major themes and philosophies of Sowell. They range from social policy on race, ethnic groups, education and decision-making, to classical and Marxist economics, to the problems of children perceived as having disabilities. Sowell has also extended his themes from the United States to the international sphere, finding supporting data from several cultures and nations, and demonstrating that similar incentives and constraints often result in similar outcomes among very different peoples and cultures.

There are three fundamental keys to his work that seem to cut across specific topics: (a) the competing basic visions of policy makers, (b) the importance of empirical evidence both in initiating decisions and actual end results produced, and (c) an "economic" approach stressing trade-offs, constraints and incentives. These three keys place Sowell's writings in the greater context of human decision-making, rather than merely being those of a conservative pundit or "race" writer on particular contemporary social issues.

1) Empirical evidence and objective analysis of relevant factors is sorely lacking in claims surrounding race, culture and society: In his writings Sowell has repeatedly emphasized the need for empirical evidence and objective assessments of data, as opposed to the sweeping generalizations, wishful thinking, and distorted or false evidence provided by numerous writers in the field of social policy and economics. Sowell contends that in no field are these distortions greater than when the topic of race is discussed. Common assumptions and stirring rhetoric about poverty, slavery, discrimination, economic progress or education don't hold up when measured against hard data.

2) What counts in assessing a social or economic policy is not the stated intentions of promoters, but the incentives created and the actual end results produced: In his book Marxism: Philosophy and Economics Sowell shows that this was the outlook of Marx, and applies this "bottom line" approach to other social policies ranging from IQ Tests to affirmative action. In numerous cases he demonstrates that the stated aims of promoters had little relation to the actual results produced. In regard to affirmative action, for example, claims by proponents that it was a temporary measure, that it helped those categories of minorities less fortunate, that it would promote social harmony, et cetera, have all proven false when the empirical evidence is actually analyzed. Too often, Sowell points out, social policy is made on the basis of sweeping assumptions, arbitrarily-selected statistical data, and ideological dogma, where evidence is neither asked for nor offered.

3) Numerous factors determine income and education levels among American ethnic groups, and between genders, not the commonly used, overgeneralized, "all-purpose" explanations of racism, or sexism: In books such as Markets and Minorities, Ethnic America, Race and Culture and many others, Sowell demonstrates the importance of such factors as geography, degree of urbanization, cultural structures, field of work, and other factors much more relevant than charges of “racism”. As with so much social policy, those who make such charges seldom present credible empirical evidence and often none is asked for. As for the “pay gap” between men and women, for example, Sowell’s book Civil Rights shows that most of said gap is based on marital status, not some sinister “glass ceiling” discrimination. Earnings for men and women of the same basic description (education, jobs, hours worked, marital status) were essentially equal, something that would not be possible under explanatory theories of “sexism”.

4) Internationally, empirical evidence shows easy charges of colonialism and imperialism, or claims of genetic superiority, to be sorely lacking in explaining technological or economic differences: Sowell’s trilogy, Race and Culture, Migrations and Culture and Conquests and Cultures take his analysis up to international level comparing nations and minority groups within nations, particularly migrants. On an international scale, cultural factors are very important and some of the countries heavily subjected to imperialism and colonialism are themselves among the most prosperous- Britain for example which suffered under centuries of Roman colonialism and imperialism. Geographic factors also play an extensive part- from the lack of navigable rivers or fertile land, to settlement patterns. Sowell shows that non-white nations like China were more advanced that those of Europe for centuries until comparatively recent times, and how the West borrowed freely from such nations. Within national settings, students of East Asian origin in the West frequently outperform their white counterparts and score higher on IQ tests, undercutting white supremacist theories of inherent genetic superiority,

5) Many modern ideological struggles can be traced to two visions: the vision of the anointed and the vision of the constrained realist: Sowell lays out these concepts in his A Conflict of Visions, and The Vision of the Anointed. These two visions encompass a range of ideas and theories, but essentially the vision of the anointed relies heavily on sweepingly optimistic assumptions about human nature, distrust of decentralized processes like the free market, impatience at systematic processes that constrain human action, and missing or falsified/distorted empirical evidence. The constrained vision relies heavily on a less grand view of the goodness of human nature, and prefers the systematic processes of the free market, and the systematic processes of the rule of law and constitutional government. It distrusts sweeping theories and grand assumptions in favor of heavy reliance on solid empirical evidence and on time-tested structures and processes.

6) On race and intelligence (as measured by IQ), whole groups and nations have raised their IQ scores over time, undermining various theories of intelligence as regards various minorities like Jews and blacks.

6-1. In his writing "Intelligence and Ethnicity" Sowell demonstrates how IQ scores have risen among many groups, (see the Flynn effect) and notes that a number of white ethnic groups tallied poor scores as they began entry into the American urban economy. Jews for example scored dismally on Army intelligence tests during WWI leading to some disparaging commentary. However Jewish IQ scores rose steadily until they currently rank near the top. East Asian IQ scores were likewise unimpressive on some early measurements, but currently that situation is totally reversed.

6-2. Black IQ progress has been concealed Sowell shows, by statistical redefinitions or "norming" of the beginning measurement baselines. Thus an IQ score that might have been considered "normal" or "average" in 1960, is today considered below par. By going back and recalculating from the original baselines, not only blacks but entire nations have shown significant rises in IQ over time. He notes that the rough 15-point gap in contemporary black-white IQ scores is similar to the gap between the national average and the scores of assorted white ethnic groups in past times. Indeed similar gaps have been reported within white populations, such as Northern Europeans versus Southern Europeans.

6-3. In short Sowell argues, IQ "gaps" are hardly startling or unusual between, and within ethnic groups. What is distressing he claims, is the sometimes hysterical response to the very fact of IQ research, and movements to ban testing in the name of "self-esteem" or "fighting racism." He argues however, that few would have known of black IQ progress if scholars like James Flynn had not undertaken allegedly "racist" research.

7) What some portray as "authentic black culture" is actually a relic of a highly disfunctional white southern redneck culture. This in turn came from the ‘Cracker culture’ of certain regions in Britain, mainly the harsh English borderlands, origin of many 'cracker' migrants. Sowell gives a number of examples that he regards as supporting the lineage, e.g. an aversion to work, proneness to violence, neglect of education, sexual promiscuity, improvidence, drunkenness, lack of entrepreneurship,… and a style of religious oratory marked by strident rhetoric, unbridled emotions, and flamboyant imagery.

Sowell also provides figures to support his argument that there was a far bigger divide between the cracker/redneck culture and the North than between white and black. E.g. Northern blacks tried to stop redneck blacks coming up from the South, and the same happened between northern whites and redneck whites. This thesis is the title essay of Sowell's book Black Rednecks and White Liberals.

8) Ordinary citizens might benefit from analyzing issues and public policies in terms of costs, benefits and tradeoffs, where scarce resources have alternative uses, rather than rely on lofty rhetoric from political leaders, activists and special interests. In Basic Economics and Applied Economics, Sowell lays out the fundamentals of the discipline so that the layman can understand them, and his essential way or model for approaching problems. There are no free lunches Sowell emphasizes, only tradeoffs at various levels.

This "transactional" approach to social and economic policy is one of the hallmarks of Sowell's writings. Quote:
"Lofty talk about “non-economic values” too often amounts to very selfish attempts to impose one’s own values, without having to weigh them against other people’s values. Taxing away what other people have earned, in order to finance one’s own fantasy ventures, is often depicted as a humanitarian endeavor, while allowing others the same freedom and dignity as oneself, so they can make their own choices with their own earnings, is considered to be pandering to “greed.” Greed for power is more dangerous than greed for money and has shed far more blood in the process. Political authorities have often had “revolutionary values” that were devastating to the general population."

Those influenced by Sowell

Sowell's book Race and Economics greatly influenced Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas. Thomas read the book in 1975, and later said that the book changed his life.

Bates College in Maine has an endowed professorship in economics named after Sowell.

Quotes

• "If you have always believed that everyone should play by the same rules and be judged by the same standards, that would have gotten you labeled a radical 60 years ago, a liberal 30 years ago and a racist today."

• "Blacks were not enslaved because they were black but because they were available. Slavery has existed in the world for thousands of years. Whites enslaved other whites in Europe for centuries before the first black was brought to the Western hemisphere. Asians enslaved Europeans. Asians enslaved other Asians. Africans enslaved other Africans, and indeed even today in North Africa, blacks continue to enslave blacks."

• "Prices are important not because money is considered paramount but because prices are a fast and effective conveyor of information through a vast society in which fragmented knowledge must be coordinated."

• "Each new generation born is in effect an invasion of civilization by little barbarians, who must be civilized before it is too late."

• "One of the most fashionable notions of our times is that social problems like poverty and oppression breed wars. Most wars, however, are started by well-fed people with time on their hands to dream up half-baked ideologies or grandiose ambitions, and to nurse real or imagined grievances."

• "The simplest and most psychologically satisfying explanation of any observed phenomenon is that it happened that way because someone wanted it to happen that way."

Books by Sowell

• 2007. Basic Economics (3rd ed). Basic Books, ISBN 0-465-00260-9

• 2007. A Man of Letters. Encounter Books, ISBN 1-5940-3196-7

• 2006. Ever Wonder Why? and Other Controversial Essays. Hoover Institution Press, ISBN 0-8179-4752-3

• 2006. On Classical Economics. Yale University Press, ISBN 0-300-11316-1

• 2005. Black Rednecks and White Liberals. Encounter Books, ISBN 1-59403-086-3

• 2004. Affirmative Action Around the World: An Empirical Study. Yale University Press, ISBN 0-300-10199-6

• 2004. Basic Economics: A Citizen's Guide to the Economy, revised and expanded ed. Basic Books, ISBN 0-465-08145-2 (1st ed. 2000)

• 2003. Applied Economics: Thinking Beyond Stage One, ISBN 0-465-08143-6

• 2003. Inside American Education, ISBN 0-7432-5408-2

• 2002. The Einstein Syndrome: Bright Children Who Talk Late, ISBN 0-465-08141-X

• 2002. Controversial Essays, ISBN 0-8179-2992-4

• 2002. A Conflict of Visions: Ideological Origins of Political Struggles. Basic Books, ISBN 0-465-08142-8

• 2002. A Personal Odyssey, ISBN 0-684-86465-7

• 2002. The Quest For Cosmic Justice, ISBN 0-684-86463-0

• 1998. Conquests and Cultures: An International History, ISBN 0-465-01400-3

• 1996. Migrations and Cultures: A World View, ISBN 0-465-04589-8

• 1996. The Vision of the Anointed: Self-Congratulation As a Basis for Social Policy. Basic Books, ISBN 0-465-08995-X

• 1994. Race and Culture: A World View, ISBN 0-465-06796-4

• 1987. Compassion versus guilt, and other essays, ISBN 0688071147.

• 1986. Marxism: Philosophy and Economics. Quill, ISBN 0-688-06426-4

• 1984. Civil Rights: Rhetoric or Reality? William Morrow, ISBN 0-688-03113-7.

• 1983. Economics and Politics of Race. William Morrow, ISBN 0-688-01891-2

• 1981. Ethnic America: A History. Basic Books, ISBN 0-465-02074-7

• 1981. Markets and Minorities. Basic Books, ISBN 0-465-04399-2

• 1980. Knowledge and Decisions. Basic Books.

• 1975. Race and Economics. David McKay Company Inc, ISBN 0-679-30262-X.

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